Politics
The Uncommitted Movement’s weird quasi-endorsement of Kamala Harris, explained
The Uncommitted Movementthe group that helped organize the casting of hundreds of thousands of uncommitted ballots in the Democratic presidential primaries to pressure the party to change its position on supporting Israel, announced Thursday that it will not be endorsing Kamala Harris’ presidential campaign. In the same announcement, however, the group also called for the movement to vote against former President Donald Trump and to avoid third parties.
In other words, Uncommitted effectively criticized Harris as fundamentally problematic on Israel policy while simultaneously encouraging people to vote for her.
The announcement marks a concession that the group is weak — but also that it wants to stay in the game in the long run.
The seemingly contradictory recommendations are bound to anger plenty of progressives upset by the Biden administration’s policies on Israel. But it adds up to a largely coherent strategic position, based on an assessment of the limited power of the pro-Palestinian movement at this juncture and the correct appraisal that Trump would make the situation in Gaza even worse. I’d say the announcement marks a concession that the group is weak — but also that it wants to stay in the game in the long run in the hope to one day shape the Democratic Party’s policies on the issue.
In its announcement of its non-endorsement, the Uncommitted Movement cited its dissatisfaction over Harris’ declining its request to meet with Palestinian Americans in Michigan who have lost loved ones in the Gaza Strip and discuss their demands for an arms embargo on Israel and how to pursue a cease-fire deal. This came after the Democrats refused to invite any Palestinian Americans to speak at the main stage at the Democratic National Convention about the war in Gaza, despite the presence of dozens of Democratic delegates affiliated with the Uncommitted Movement and their vigorous lobbying for a speaker on the issue. (By contrast, the DNC gave a speaking slot to the parents of an Israeli American hostage, who was tragically killed after the convention.) Harris did briefly meet with two members of the Uncommitted Movement in early August but reportedly declined to commit to a longer meeting about arms restrictions on Israel. Alongside all of this, Harris has deployed rhetoric about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict that signals a continuation of the policy status quo and sternly reprimanded pro-Palestinian protesters who disrupted one of her events.
“Vice President Harris’s unwillingness to shift on unconditional weapons policy or to even make a clear campaign statement in support of upholding existing U.S. and international human rights law has made it impossible for us to endorse her,” the group said in a new statement.
At the same time, the statement argued, Trump would be worse for Palestinians in the Gaza Strip because he would “accelerate the killing in Gaza while intensifying the suppression of anti-war organizing.” For this reason, the group states, Uncommitted supporters should vote against Republicans “up and down the ballot” and avoid third-party candidates who could “inadvertently boost” Trump’s chances.
The Uncommitted Movement’s attempt to thread a needle here is awkward. Its statement is, all in the same breath, a complaint about Democrats and also a de facto soft endorsement of them. Some activists will object to the Uncommitted Movement voluntarily giving up its leverage over the Democratic Party, out of the belief that holding out on an endorsement announcement might’ve resulted in some concessions from Harris with another month and a half to go until Election Day. Still others — some of them likely out of the belief that Harris probably won’t signal any policy changes on a hot button issue unless she wins office — will say the Uncommitted Movement’s mealy-mouthed quasi-endorsement is riskier than articulating a clear position that Trump is the biggest imminent threat to Palestinian life.
But the Uncommitted Movement’s overall posture should be familiar to anyone on the left who thinks about the hard reality of voting in America: Even on issues on which Democrats are not good, or are even downright terrible, Republicans are often worse. That’s certainly true in this case. The Biden administration’s effectively unconditional aid to Israel has been morally indefensible and catastrophic for Palestinian civilian life. But Trump would in all likelihood embolden Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu even more than President Joe Bidenintensify Israel’s brutal domination of the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, and revel in brutal repression of protesters at home.
I do think the Uncommitted Movement could have waited longer to issue a statement — perhaps until some time in October, to test Harris more and capitalize on a potential upswing in protests over the issue. But ultimately I’m sympathetic to its attempt to balance values with strategic efficacy. The non-endorsement allows the group to credibly identify potential positive policy changes in the future, since an endorsement would’ve squandered that claim to specific judgment of politicians’ policy positions. At the same time, the voting guidance correctly counsels the movement to think about minimizing harm for Palestinians, seeking the best possible activist terrain in the medium- to long-term future, and choosing to organize against politicians who could conceivably be influenced. It also marks a recognition that the Democratic Party has made it clear that its strategy is to ignore the pro-Palestinian movementknowing that the movement has lost significant momentum with Harris’ nomination and data indicating the war in Gaza is not a top tier issue even for most young voters.
In its statement, the Uncommitted Movement argues that the antiwar movement must try make inroads into the Democratic Party and develop coalitions that contest the American Israel Public Affairs Committee’s significant influence on the party on Israel policy. That’s an important long-term goal. For the time being, the best hope the antiwar movement has is to keep up the pressure on the party through a fierce protest movement that demands that Democrats put and end to their abominable disregard for life in the Gaza Strip.
Zeeshan Aleem is a writer and editor for BLN Daily. Previously, he worked at Vox, HuffPost and Blue Light News, and he has also been published in, among other places, The New York Times, The Atlantic, The Nation, and The Intercept. You can sign up for his free politics newsletter here.
Politics
Pritzker helped a Black woman become senator. Some Black leaders are still mad at him.
Congressional Black Caucus members, after a stinging loss in the Illinois Democratic Senate primary, are training their ire on Gov. JB Pritzker — and saying it’s on him to rehabilitate the relationship.
After Pritzker’s outsized financial support for Lt. Gov. Juliana Stratton helped lift her to victory, lawmakers vented frustrations that his money unfairly tilted the race in her favor and away from their candidate, Rep. Robin Kelly, a CBC member who finished a distant third. And as Pritzker eyes a 2028 presidential bid, some members, cognizant that the path to winning the Democratic Party’s nomination will run through the caucus, signaled they won’t forget that he crossed them this round.
“He has to justify what he did,” said Rep. Bennie Thompson (D-Miss.). “I’m sure at some point if he decides to run, he’ll have to come with that justification. As to whether or not it has merit or not, remains to be seen.”
Pritzker’s money helped put Stratton on the path to becoming just the sixth Black senator in U.S. history. But by boxing out Kelly, he frayed his relationship with the caucus, which holds significant sway over which candidates break through with Black voters — a large and powerful voting bloc the billionaire governor will need if he chooses to run for the White House.
“Keep in mind, the Democratic candidate for president that prevails has to go through [the CBC],” said Rep. Joyce Beatty (D-Ohio). “The CBC is very strategic and so if there is an issue … we will lay out our framework for what it will take” to get our endorsement, she added.
Many top CBC officials are in no rush to make the first move to mend fences.
“We don’t need to reach out to the governor,” said Rep. Gregory Meeks (D-N.Y.) who chairs the Congressional Black Caucus PAC, adding that the group is focused on midterm races and delivering House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries the speaker’s gavel.
“Others are going to have to reach out to us,” he said of Pritzker. “Those conversations happen when those conversations happen.”
Pritzker’s political arm issued a statement in response saying he was “proud” to support Stratton, Illinois’ first Black lieutenant governor: “With only six black women having served in the U.S. Senate throughout its history, Gov. Pritzker supported his partner in governance because he’s worked side by side with her for almost a decade and knows she will deliver for the people of Illinois,” Jordan Abudayyeh, Pritzker’s spokesperson, said.
His team did not address questions about CBC members’ concerns, but did point to Rep. Jim Clyburn, the powerful South Carolina Democrat, saying ahead of the election that Pritzker was “free to support” anyone.
Clyburn on Wednesday told Blue Light News he would “expect” for Pritzker to support his No. 2 and that he was not focused on 2028.
Still, lawmakers’ veiled threats lay bare the difficulties Pritzker could face beyond Tuesday’s primary. And they underscore the duality the CBC is navigating as high-profile defeats of their members in Illinois and Texas raise questions about their political influence — even as they celebrate Stratton’s victory.
In interviews with more than a dozen CBC members on Wednesday, they made clear their irritation is not with Stratton, who many said will be welcomed into the caucus if she wins as expected in November. Their indignation rests solely with Pritzker, who they accused of playing kingmaker by pouring millions of dollars into propping up Stratton.
Tensions flared between the powerful legislative voting bloc and the billionaire governor in early March. CBC Chair Yvette Clarke lashed out at Pritzker, saying she was “beyond frustrated” with the governor for “tipping the scales” a nod to his funneling of $5 million from his super PAC to help catapult Stratton into contention with Rep. Raja Krishnamoorthi, who for much of the primary was leading in the polls and started with a massive cash advantage.
Many CBC members, and Clarke specifically, took Pritzker’s presence in the race as a snub to Kelly, who had a long-standing beef with Pritzker after he worked to oust her as chair of the Illinois Democratic Party in 2022. While both Kelly and Pritzker were said to have moved beyond it, the Senate campaign reopened old wounds.
Clarke issued a statement — some 12 hours after the Illinois Senate primary was called — to congratulate Stratton on her victory, calling it “a significant moment for Illinois and the nation that calls for unity” before pivoting to praise Kelly.
The CBC chair on Wednesday said she and Pritzker had not spoken.
“I’m sure there’ll be a moment where we’ll have a conversation,” Clarke said. When asked if she felt like she needed to initiate a conversation with the governor, she responded tersely. “No, I don’t.”
Former Illinois Sen. Carol Moseley Braun, the first Black woman elected to the body in U.S. history, endorsed Stratton in the race. She took issue with CBC members’ intense focus on the governor’s role in the process instead of the historic outcome, and said the group seemed more focused on backing its own than expanding Black representation.
“To weigh in on this race was just backwards,” she told Blue Light News. “[Kelly] was a member of the caucus and so it’s understandable on that level. But at the same time, Juliana deserved at least something from that group.”
Many current CBC members refrained from attacking Pritzker directly, however — another sign of the complex politics at play. Congressional Democrats want Pritzker’s billions to help bankroll their bid to retake control of the House and make Jeffries, the minority leader and New York Democrat, the first Black speaker. They’ve already been working him behind the scenes.
“I’ve already reached out to Governor Pritzker,” said Rep. Steven Horsford (D-Nev.), a former CBC chair. “I’ve talked to him this morning, in fact, and I’ll talk to him in the weeks and months to come, because I have one objective: to win this House, to help win the Senate, and to make sure we end the chaos that’s coming out of this administration.”
Others took pains to separate their evaluation of Pritzker’s role in propelling Stratton to victory from any campaign he may run in 2028, suggesting they were willing to reset the relationship.
“You will still have to show your bona fides, and you still will have to make your case as to why the CBC and Black people should take you into consideration. So we have reset it,” Rep. Sydney Kamlager-Dove (D-Calif.) said. “Good for him, for her, but that has no bearing on the 2028 race.”
Shia Kapos contributed to this report.
Politics
Judge orders restoration of Voice of America
NEW YORK (AP) — A federal judge on Tuesday ordered the Trump administration to restore the government-run Voice of America’s operations after it had effectively been shut down a year ago, putting hundreds of employees who have been on administrative leave back to work.
U.S. District Court Judge Royce C. Lamberth gave the U.S. Agency for Global Media a week to put together a plan for putting Voice of America on the air. It has been operating with a skeleton staff since President Donald Trump issued an executive order to shut it down.
A week ago, Lamberth said Kari Lake, who had been Trump’s choice to lead the agency, did not have the legal authority to do what she had done at Voice of America. In Tuesday’s decision, Lamberth ruled on the actions she had taken to respond to Trump’s order, essentially shelving 1,042 of VOA’s 1,147 employees.
“Defendants have provided nothing approaching a principled basis for their decision,” Lamberth wrote.
There was no immediate comment on the decision by the agency overseeing Voice of America. Lake had denounced Lamberth’s March 7 ruling, saying it would be appealed. Since then, Trump nominated Sarah Rogers, the undersecretary of state for public diplomacy, to run USAGM. That requires Senate approval, a step that was not taken with Lake.
Patsy Widakuswara, Voice of America’s White House bureau chief and a plaintiff in the lawsuit to restore it, said she is deeply grateful for the decision.
“We are eager to begin repairing the damage Kari Lake has inflicted on our agency and our colleagues, to return to our congressional mandate, and to rebuild the trust of the global audience we have been unable to serve for the past year,” she said.
“We know the road to restoring VOA’s operations and reputation will be long and difficult,” she said. “We hope the American people will continue to support our mission to produce journalism, not propaganda.”
Voice of America has transmitted news coverage to countries around the world since its formation in World War II, often in countries with no tradition of a free press. Before Trump’s executive order, VOA had operated in 49 different languages, broadcasting to 362 million people.
Politics
Judge orders restoration of Voice of America
NEW YORK (AP) — A federal judge on Tuesday ordered the Trump administration to restore the government-run Voice of America’s operations after it had effectively been shut down a year ago, putting hundreds of employees who have been on administrative leave back to work.
U.S. District Court Judge Royce C. Lamberth gave the U.S. Agency for Global Media a week to put together a plan for putting Voice of America on the air. It has been operating with a skeleton staff since President Donald Trump issued an executive order to shut it down.
A week ago, Lamberth said Kari Lake, who had been Trump’s choice to lead the agency, did not have the legal authority to do what she had done at Voice of America. In Tuesday’s decision, Lamberth ruled on the actions she had taken to respond to Trump’s order, essentially shelving 1,042 of VOA’s 1,147 employees.
“Defendants have provided nothing approaching a principled basis for their decision,” Lamberth wrote.
There was no immediate comment on the decision by the agency overseeing Voice of America. Lake had denounced Lamberth’s March 7 ruling, saying it would be appealed. Since then, Trump nominated Sarah Rogers, the undersecretary of state for public diplomacy, to run USAGM. That requires Senate approval, a step that was not taken with Lake.
Patsy Widakuswara, Voice of America’s White House bureau chief and a plaintiff in the lawsuit to restore it, said she is deeply grateful for the decision.
“We are eager to begin repairing the damage Kari Lake has inflicted on our agency and our colleagues, to return to our congressional mandate, and to rebuild the trust of the global audience we have been unable to serve for the past year,” she said.
“We know the road to restoring VOA’s operations and reputation will be long and difficult,” she said. “We hope the American people will continue to support our mission to produce journalism, not propaganda.”
Voice of America has transmitted news coverage to countries around the world since its formation in World War II, often in countries with no tradition of a free press. Before Trump’s executive order, VOA had operated in 49 different languages, broadcasting to 362 million people.
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