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Why House Democrats stayed the course with their leaders

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Despite coming up short in their fight for the majority, House Democrats aren’t tossing their leaders aside.

The caucus opted to keep their top slate of leaders in Tuesday’s party elections, with every single top Democratic leader reelected without opposition.

It’s a mark of confidence, even as the party girds for another Congress in the minority. Even with public and private venting over the future of their party, alongside debate over the Democratic message, most in the party were satisfied with their performance in congressional elections.

Though the House majority fell just out of reach for Democrats, members aren’t blaming party leaders for their Election Day performance. Purple-district incumbents generally outran the top of the ticket, and the majority of them are coming back to Washington. The party flipped several seats around the country, too, ensuring a similar margin in the new Congress — if not a slightly narrower one, depending on the outcome of some uncalled races. House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries and his leadership team will now face partisan battles with President-elect Donald Trump while searching for bipartisan deals and protecting their vulnerable incumbents.

“We are prepared to work hard to find bipartisan common ground with our Republican colleagues and the incoming administration on any issue, whenever and wherever possible, but at the same period of time, we will push back against far-right extremism, whenever necessary,” Jeffries told reporters.

In interviews with House Democrats from various geographic and ideological sides of the caucus, lawmakers expressed confidence in their leadership and wanted to give them another term in their slots. As the top House Democrats embark on a series of listening sessions with rank-and-file lawmakers, backbenchers believe their leaders will be responsive to their requests.

“Those tough seats — we outperformed the top of the ticket dramatically,” said Rep. Angie Craig (D-Minn.). “The reason that I’m supporting the current leadership is because they’ve made a commitment that they want and understand the need to take a broader look at how those of us who outran the ticket, from two to almost nine points, did it, and a willingness to listen to us, to make positive change in the party.”

Rep. Greg Casar (D-Texas), who is running unopposed to lead the Congressional Progressive Caucus, said the loss of the majority isn’t leadership’s fault.

“I think our leaders worked really hard. We ran our strategy, and I think that we’re all recognizing where there were parts of a strategy that didn’t work,” he told Blue Light News. “So I don’t judge our leaders based on them being perfect. I think we judge our leaders on whether or not we’re willing to learn from what worked, learn from what didn’t work and change.”

One swing-district Democrat also didn’t blame leadership.

“Their leadership had nothing to do with [losing the House.] I support Hakeem, Pete, Katherine. I support them,” said Rep. Henry Cuellar (D-Texas).

Besides, as other senior lawmakers saw it, their leaders hadn’t been able to get a shot at governing in the majority.

“They haven’t led yet,” said Rep. Jim Clyburn (D-S.C.), a former whip.

Democratic leaders drew applause and cheers Tuesday morning, with lawmakers from a broad cross-section of the caucus giving their nominating speeches. Rep. Hillary Scholten (D-Mich.) nominated Jeffries, Reps. Don Davis (D-N.C.) and Ayanna Pressley (D-Mass.) nominated Clark, and Rep. Terri Sewell (D-Ala.) gave the nomination speech for Aguilar, while Rep. Zoe Lofgren (D-Calif.) made the motion to nominate him.

There was only one competitive election for an incumbent leadership position: the chair of their policy and communications arm. Current chair Rep. Debbie Dingell (D-Mich.) defeated a challenge from Rep. Jasmine Crockett (D-Texas) by a 152-59 vote. Crockett, a first-term lawmaker, had raised some eyebrows in the caucus with her last-minute bid against Dingell.

One outstanding question for Democratic leaders: the future of the DCCC chair, which became an appointed position after a rules change in the last leadership elections. Some lawmakers have privately griped about the performance of their campaign arm, though a push to change course has not materialized. Chair Suzan DelBene (D-Wash.) is expected to stay if Jeffries asks her to, and Rep. Sara Jacobs (D-Calif.) has publicly swatted down rumors she’s interested in the job.

“I told her I think she should stay this morning, but that’s up to Hakeem and Suzan,” said Craig when asked about keeping DelBene as chair of the campaign arm.

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James Talarico announces record-breaking $64M haul

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Texas Democrat James Talarico raised a staggering $64 million this summer — the largest third-quarter haul of any Senate candidate in history.

The national Democratic darling raised more than $134.3 million since launching his campaign in September of 2025, according to figures shared first with Blue Light News. More than 1.3 million donors contributed, the campaign said, as Democrats slowly reconcile themselves to their long-held but often fumbled dream of gaining a statewide perch in Texas. About 97% of those donations were of $100 or less.

“Grassroots contributors from across Texas are coming together to end billionaire control over our politics and bring down costs for working families,” Talarico said in a statement shared first with Blue Light News.

The announcement is a bright spot in an otherwise rough few days, with Talarico reemerging on the trail after being out for more than a week with the flu.

But Texas is an expensive state to run in, and Republicans are taking his campaign seriously. Talarico already had some $235 million spent against him as national Republicans scramble to hold the seat and boost Ken Paxton. Texas has emerged as a money pit for Republicans following a divisive GOP primary that saw Paxton, the controversial state attorney general, vanquish incumbent GOP Sen. John Cornyn, a favorite of the party establishment.

Talarico faces a wall of GOP money in the final days of the race.

“He’s fighting this battle basically alone while Elon Musk and the full weight of the GOP fundraising apparatus outspends him 2:1. This is still an uphill battle,” said a Democratic strategist doing work in Texas, granted anonymity to candidly discuss Talarico’s disadvantages.

In his 2018 Texas Senate run, former Rep. Beto O’Rourke raised a record $38.1 million in the third quarter, and South Carolina Democrat Jaime Harrison eclipsed that amount with a $57 million third quarter in 2020.

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Capitol agenda: Waters rallies support as rivals circle

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The race to be the top House Financial Services Democrat could shape up to be a free-for-all.

Rep. Maxine Waters, 88, who has spent decades on the committee, faces a challenge from Rep. Sean Casten, 54, and a potential bid from Rep. Bill Foster, 71, a more moderate panel member.

And Rep. Joyce Beatty, a longtime ally of Waters and senior member on the panel, has been encouraged by some Democratic lawmakers and lobbyists to run, although she would only jump in the race “contingent on the current chairwoman not being able to have enough votes,” said a House Democratic staffer close to the committee granted anonymity to discuss the sensitive dynamics.

A spokesperson for Beatty said in a statement she’d be voting for Waters as chair.

Waters, a resistance icon and accomplished legislator, meanwhile, is already shoring up support.

“Unless there is an individual who brings the unrivaled experience and tantalizing toughness of Maxine Waters, I look forward to supporting her,” Rep. Emanuel Cleaver, a member of both Financial Services and the Congressional Black Caucus, said in a statement.

The 50-plus member CBC is likely to bolster Waters’ bid, and Waters could also leverage her Los Angeles-area seat for support from the 43 Democrats in California’s congressional delegation. Beatty is also a CBC member.

Waters and her team have also been making calls this week to recruit members to whip for her, including moderate Rep. Josh Gottheimer and progressive Rep. Ayanna Pressley, according to two people with knowledge of her outreach.

Waters is an outspoken progressive who can also tout a track record of dealmaking with Republicans. By tapping two members on opposite ends of the ideological spectrum, she is casting herself as a unifier.

On policy, Casten generally aligns with Waters. But his backers insist he has a unique lane given a caucus-wide appetite for generational change.

One senior House Democrat, granted anonymity to speak candidly, said they believe Casten will make the race a fight, and described a “widespread perception” in the caucus that octogenarians hanging on to leadership roles is “just selfish, and is not in the best interests of our caucus. We need to have the best team on the field.”

In 2024, a slate of younger House Democrats successfully challenged aging incumbents by pitching themselves as the fresh, energetic faces of their committees.

At that time, Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries stayed out of the fray, and he might again. A Jeffries spokesperson did not return a request for comment.

What else we’re watching: 

— HOUSE DEMS LOOK FOR CLARK TO BRING ‘ORDER’: Democrats’ No. 2 leader wants a chamber reset after four years of routine floor meltdowns and speaker revolts in a GOP-controlled House. But if Democratic majority materializes, it will include progressives like Rep. Katherine Clark herself, as well as “majority-maker” moderates and a crop of new leftist lawmakers. “To handle a couple hundred members of Congress is no kid job,” moderate Rep. Marcy Kaptur, who would be the longest-serving House Democrat if she can win reelection, said of Clark, adding she’s well-equipped to “keep order in the House, get our business done on time.” Clark and Jeffries, are intent on neutralizing infighting and keeping the House focused on an affordability and accountability agenda to pave the way for a presidential win in 2028.

— LEE, CRUZ BACK JAN. 6 CO-CONSPIRATOR: Two prominent Senate Judiciary Republicans are asking the Supreme Court to review the disbarment of John Eastman for helping orchestrate the plot to overturn the 2020 election for President Donald Trump. Sen. Mike Lee, who is poised to be the top Republican on the panel next Congress, and Sen. Ted Cruz, wrote in a brief filed with SCOTUS Wednesday that the decision to revoke Eastman’s license to practice law in California was a result of political activists weaponizing the bar disciplinary process against attorneys on “the disfavored side of public controversies.” Eastman was criminally charged in Georgia and Arizona for his role in the scheme, and in April he was disbarred.

Chris Marquette contributed to this report.

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Joe Manchin says he’s ‘tickled to death’ — over a deal on permitting reform

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There’s cautious optimism that Congress can pass a bill by year’s end to overhaul the federal permitting process for energy projects — even from the man who failed twice to land a deal.

“I think it’s well past 50%” that it gets signed into law, said former Sen. Joe Manchin of West Virginia in a recent interview. He was referring to a deal his ex-colleagues have reached with the White House on legislation that would make it easier to build out the nation’s electric grid, prohibit any administration from trying to block certain projects and set less stringent deadlines for conducting environmental reviews.

“I really think President [Donald] Trump will sign, knowing that they’ve worked it hard. Knowing that both sides have worked hard on it — I think he will,” he said. “And I believe the Republican delegation will be able to explain to him how important and how good this is.”

A West Virginia Democrat-turned-independent, Manchin long championed “permitting reform” — a bureaucratic catchphrase that was once a Republican priority known largely among energy policy wonks, but which has since evolved to become a shared bipartisan goal.

Manchin drove that evolution, popularizing the concept in 2022 when he forced Democratic leaders to promise him a vote on the topic in exchange for taking the party’s big climate law off life support.

The effort failed as climate activists and their progressive Hill allies revolted, saying Manchin’s framework would disproportionately favor oil and gas projects over renewables; a follow-up attempt in 2024 again fell short, with many House Republicans uninterested in striking a deal on transmission policy.

Manchin retired in 2025; he is currently serving on the Bipartisan Policy Center’s energy advisory council while raising money for independent candidates for elected office. He has also remained engaged in the permitting debate, saying he continues to speak with some of the senators involved in crafting the overhaul package currently on the table.

His biggest piece of advice: “Don’t let the perfect be the enemy of the good.”

This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

Senate negotiators released a permitting framework before breaking for recess ahead of the midterms; it builds on your past bipartisan proposals on this topic. What do you think?

I’m tickled to death. I hope they make it. Don’t let the perfect be the enemy of the good, as it has always been. Everybody wants a little bit more … but it’s something we’ve worked on for a long time.

Have you talked to any Democrats about this?

Everyone feels good about it. [New Mexico Democratic Sen.] Martin [Heinrich] feels good; I’ve talked to Martin. I’ve talked to [Colorado Sen.] John Hickenlooper, talked to [California Sen.] Alex Padilla, my friends here and there. They think it’s moving in the right direction.

Any advice for Senate Democratic Leader Chuck Schumer, who may have to wrestle with conflicting viewpoints in his caucus?

I trust [Rhode Island Democratic Sen.] Sheldon Whitehouse, and he’s all gung-ho on it. I think Sheldon carries a lot of weight there. [Hawaii Democratic Sen.] Brian Schatz carries an awful lot of weight in that community. I’m sure Chuck has been kept in the loop … I’m hoping we’re good in the Senate.

The thing that bothers me is — I remember in 2024, we tried like the dickens to get it done before the election. Once there’s an election, everyone starts flexing muscles and they think they’re King Kong and just things change.

You last tried to push a deal during the 2024 lame-duck session, after Republicans had just won a governing trifecta. Why do you think it fell apart?

[House Natural Resources Chair] Bruce Westerman (R-Ark.) is one of the most competent, one of the most compassionate people I’ve dealt with — and Bruce just said his people wanted a lot more. And I said, “Bruce, we’re giving you a bipartisan bill that we did in the Senate.” But at that time, he was unable to get that because House Republicans said, “we just won everything,” and they just made it impossible for him to make the deal.

Do you think House Republicans will be more amenable this time around, even though they haven’t yet signed off on the agreement brokered in the Senate?

I don’t think they’re going to have the trifecta after this November election. I don’t think they’ll have the House and the Senate; let’s say that one of them flips. It would be advantageous for the president to say, “God, let’s take what we got right now, move forward. Let’s make it happen.” That would be very smart of them … to have that part of the legacy.

So you think a Democratic clean sweep in the midterms could boost the chance of passing a permitting bill?

I really do. Because if [Republicans] have the trifecta again after this … the House would have no incentive at all. And it looks like the toxic atmosphere that we have, and the power of the parties — that’s not the foremost thing that they are worried about. They are worried about their party power.

But what about the Democrats who don’t trust the Trump administration to make good on promises to allow clean energy projects to move forward?

The hardcore left have to realize that we need all the energy we possibly can muster up. You can’t get rid of coal. Coal will be probably eliminated because of the pure cost of it today, but natural gas is a major component of what’s needed for our country. Nuclear is coming on now. We’ve got to have the infrastructure, and I think if you’re coming from the environmental community or coming from the fossil community, we both realize that.

Is there anything you wish you had done differently in 2024?

If anything, I hope my friends on both sides understand: You work on what you can, agree on what you can, agree on what you know that both sides will accept and pass that. The lame duck is going to be the last best chance you have to get something moving in the right direction.

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