Congress
Why House Democrats stayed the course with their leaders
Despite coming up short in their fight for the majority, House Democrats aren’t tossing their leaders aside.
The caucus opted to keep their top slate of leaders in Tuesday’s party elections, with every single top Democratic leader reelected without opposition.
It’s a mark of confidence, even as the party girds for another Congress in the minority. Even with public and private venting over the future of their party, alongside debate over the Democratic message, most in the party were satisfied with their performance in congressional elections.
Though the House majority fell just out of reach for Democrats, members aren’t blaming party leaders for their Election Day performance. Purple-district incumbents generally outran the top of the ticket, and the majority of them are coming back to Washington. The party flipped several seats around the country, too, ensuring a similar margin in the new Congress — if not a slightly narrower one, depending on the outcome of some uncalled races. House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries and his leadership team will now face partisan battles with President-elect Donald Trump while searching for bipartisan deals and protecting their vulnerable incumbents.
“We are prepared to work hard to find bipartisan common ground with our Republican colleagues and the incoming administration on any issue, whenever and wherever possible, but at the same period of time, we will push back against far-right extremism, whenever necessary,” Jeffries told reporters.
In interviews with House Democrats from various geographic and ideological sides of the caucus, lawmakers expressed confidence in their leadership and wanted to give them another term in their slots. As the top House Democrats embark on a series of listening sessions with rank-and-file lawmakers, backbenchers believe their leaders will be responsive to their requests.
“Those tough seats — we outperformed the top of the ticket dramatically,” said Rep. Angie Craig (D-Minn.). “The reason that I’m supporting the current leadership is because they’ve made a commitment that they want and understand the need to take a broader look at how those of us who outran the ticket, from two to almost nine points, did it, and a willingness to listen to us, to make positive change in the party.”
Rep. Greg Casar (D-Texas), who is running unopposed to lead the Congressional Progressive Caucus, said the loss of the majority isn’t leadership’s fault.
“I think our leaders worked really hard. We ran our strategy, and I think that we’re all recognizing where there were parts of a strategy that didn’t work,” he told Blue Light News. “So I don’t judge our leaders based on them being perfect. I think we judge our leaders on whether or not we’re willing to learn from what worked, learn from what didn’t work and change.”
One swing-district Democrat also didn’t blame leadership.
“Their leadership had nothing to do with [losing the House.] I support Hakeem, Pete, Katherine. I support them,” said Rep. Henry Cuellar (D-Texas).
Besides, as other senior lawmakers saw it, their leaders hadn’t been able to get a shot at governing in the majority.
“They haven’t led yet,” said Rep. Jim Clyburn (D-S.C.), a former whip.
Democratic leaders drew applause and cheers Tuesday morning, with lawmakers from a broad cross-section of the caucus giving their nominating speeches. Rep. Hillary Scholten (D-Mich.) nominated Jeffries, Reps. Don Davis (D-N.C.) and Ayanna Pressley (D-Mass.) nominated Clark, and Rep. Terri Sewell (D-Ala.) gave the nomination speech for Aguilar, while Rep. Zoe Lofgren (D-Calif.) made the motion to nominate him.
There was only one competitive election for an incumbent leadership position: the chair of their policy and communications arm. Current chair Rep. Debbie Dingell (D-Mich.) defeated a challenge from Rep. Jasmine Crockett (D-Texas) by a 152-59 vote. Crockett, a first-term lawmaker, had raised some eyebrows in the caucus with her last-minute bid against Dingell.
One outstanding question for Democratic leaders: the future of the DCCC chair, which became an appointed position after a rules change in the last leadership elections. Some lawmakers have privately griped about the performance of their campaign arm, though a push to change course has not materialized. Chair Suzan DelBene (D-Wash.) is expected to stay if Jeffries asks her to, and Rep. Sara Jacobs (D-Calif.) has publicly swatted down rumors she’s interested in the job.
“I told her I think she should stay this morning, but that’s up to Hakeem and Suzan,” said Craig when asked about keeping DelBene as chair of the campaign arm.
Two prominent Senate Republicans are asking the Supreme Court to review the disbarment of John Eastman for helping orchestrate the plot to overturn the 2020 election for President Donald Trump.
It’s the latest effort from Senate Judiciary Committee members to mitigate the fallout from the election subversion effort that ended in the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the Capitol.
Sen. Mike Lee of Utah, who is poised to be the top Republican on the panel next Congress, and Sen. Ted Cruz of Texas, wrote in a brief filed with the Supreme Court on Wednesday that the decision to Eastman’s license to practice law in California was a result of political activists weaponizing the bar disciplinary process against attorneys on “the disfavored side of public controversies.”
“An unpopular or even losing legal argument does not equal professional unfitness,” Lee and Cruz wrote.
The senators also argued that a state’s disagreement with an attorney’s reasonable judgment can’t be grounds for punishment and could have a chilling effect: “Zealous advocacy will disappear if professional survival depends on whether bar regulators later agree with an attorney’s legal analysis.”
Eastman, a former clerk to Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas, was identified by Biden-era special counsel Jack Smith as a co-conspirator in Trump’s alleged criminal plot to hang onto power in 2020. The attorney was criminally charged in Georgia and Arizona for his role in the scheme, and in April he was disbarred.
Lee, in correspondence uncovered by the now-disbanded House committee to investigate the attacks on Jan. 6, told Trump lawyer Cleta Mitchell that “Jan. 6 is a dangerous idea … Not just for the republic itself, but also for the president.” The senator was outlining that no court or state legislature had backed Trump’s effort to prove he had, in fact, won the election contest against Joe Biden and didn’t see Congress as a fitting backstop.
Smith testified before the Senate Judiciary Committee in September, where Sen. Josh Hawley (R-Mo.) called for Smith to also be disbarred.
Kyle Cheney contributed to this report.
Michael Whatley’s campaign has temporarily gone dark in North Carolina.
The Republican Senate nominee does not currently have future linear TV ad reservations booked in the race, a highly unusual move less than three weeks before Election Day in a state that was once considered a top GOP priority.
Whatley’s last broadcast TV ad aired one week ago, according to tracking firm AdImpact. The pause comes as Republicans and major outside GOP groups, including Senate Leadership Fund, disinvest from the state in an acknowledgement of the difficulty of beating Democratic nominee Roy Cooper in November.
“It’s a temporary pause and we’ll be back on the air shortly with our closing message that may or may not ask voters why does our elderly opponent refuse to answer basic questions about his health and ability to serve in the U.S. Senate,” Whatley spokesperson DJ Griffin said in a statement. “We are confident we have the resources needed to win the only poll that matters — Election Day in November.”
Former Democratic Gov. Roy Cooper’s campaign, by contrast, has $7.4 million in future TV ad reservations, in addition to $11.2 million from outside groups. Republican outside groups have just $4.7 million reserved, giving Democrats a nearly 4 to 1 advantage in future TV ad spending, according to an analysis of AdImpact data.
The move by Whatley’s campaign is rare this close to the election, a period when candidates typically ramp up their advertising as voters begin casting ballots.
“It was always going to be a tough seat for Rs to hold,” said Doug Heye, a longtime GOP strategist who is from North Carolina. “Trump’s numbers are in the tank and Cooper is a good candidate who has won statewide. This is what was always going to happen.”
Cooper, who has repeatedly led Whatley in public polling and candidate fundraising, enters the final stretch of the campaign as the clear frontrunner over Whatley, a former chair of the Republican National Committee and the handpicked candidate of President Donald Trump.
A spokesperson for Cooper sharply refuted the Whatley campaign’s characterizations about the Democrat’s health: “These are more desperate lies from a desperate candidate,” Kate Smart said in a statement. “Roy Cooper has held over 350 events over the course of this campaign, is in excellent health and will obviously serve his full term.”
Major outside groups on both sides have already begun retreating from North Carolina. The GOP-aligned Senate Leadership Fund paused its spending in the state earlier this month, while other Republican groups, including Old North Action, have also pulled back.
Democrats are increasingly bullish on Cooper’s chances of flipping the seat — one of four pickups the party needs to win back the Senate, assuming it defends all of its current seats. The Democratic-aligned Senate Majority PAC has also started pausing its spending in North Carolina, increasingly turning their attention to fund other, competitive Senate races.
Top Republican officials are increasingly accepting the House may already be lost as they shift to trying to limit the damage and salvage a Senate majority.
After waiting for weeks to see if the party’s deluge of money could help a raft of GOP incumbents who appeared to be in terrible shape in internal polling, more recent internal Republican polling still shows deep erosion in Trump country.
Now, Trump officials and Republican operatives say more candidates may have their funding from GOP campaign groups cut off in the coming days, before it’s too late to spend the money elsewhere to shore up other shaky races.
“I speak to a lot of people. There is no one who has privately stated that they believe Republicans can hold the House — not in recent weeks, anyway,” said former Rep. Carlos Curbelo, who lost in the last big House Democratic wave in 2018 after representing a South Florida swing district.
Five senior House Republicans, granted anonymity to candidly discuss their party’s precarious position, told Blue Light News the House has all but slipped from their grasp.
One of those Republicans compared the situation to Democrats’ 2006 flip of the House — specifically noting that potential Senate seat flips in North Carolina and Ohio could have downballot effects, while House candidates in redrawn red states like Florida and Texas are “hanging on with their fingernails.”
President Donald Trump’s political operation and the top House GOP super PAC have been cutting off ad spending across the map in races they feel are no longer winnable or worth the money, including for Reps. Mariannette Miller-Meeks and Tom Kean Jr.
And some national operatives are already starting to point fingers over who’s to blame, arguing that surprisingly-competitive Senate races are sucking away donor attention — therefore forcing House operatives into tough spending decisions.
White House officials insist they’re not giving up on the House, and that moves by the president and his team to shift the allocation of resources shouldn’t be seen as them prioritizing one chamber over another.
“The cutting of resources should not dictate what the philosophy is or what the outlook is for the overall race at large,” a senior White House official said. “It’s not doom and gloom around here. Everyone’s very positive, upbeat.”
But on the ground, Republicans seem to be giving up hope for any saving grace from the president in the final stretch.
“President Trump has made this election all about himself,” a second senior House Republican said in an interview. “Now we have to survive that political storm.”
What else we’re watching:
— WATERS, CASTEN FACE OFF ROILS DEMS: House Democrats are poised to face a polarizing choice on the other side of the midterm elections: Shove aside one of the most prominent Black progressives in their party in favor of a middle-aged White guy with similar policy views, or hand one of the most powerful gavels in Congress back to a nearly 90-year-old as their base clamors for generational change. That fight between Rep. Sean Casten, 54, and Maxine Waters, 88, to be Financial Services’ top Democrat also threatens to derail the party’s unity as members race to take back control of the chamber.
— GOP’S TAX CUT DATA DELAYED: The Trump administration is delaying the release of detailed data showing how Republicans’ 2025 tax cuts affected millions of Americans’ taxes, even as it tries to tout the law ahead of the midterms. The data — which is expected to provide the first detailed look at taxpayers taking advantage of the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, including new deductions for overtime wages and tipped income — was scheduled to be released in July and updated in September. But the IRS said it’s awaiting approval to publish the figures. The delay has already irked some who complain it is part of a pattern of the administration withholding otherwise routine releases of tax data.
Meredith Lee Hill, Andrew Howard, Mia McCarthy, Jasper Goodman, Katherine Hapgood, Riley Rogerson and Brian Faler contributed to this report.
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