Congress
What we’re watching: Dems bank on Ossoff’s message discipline
One of the marquee midterm races for Senate Democrats dreaming of a party takeover is between two candidates who are no strangers to cultivating viral moments.
But Democrats are banking on Sen. Jon Ossoff, with his tightly-choreographed campaign, ultimately prevailing over Rep. Mike Collins in the Georgia Senate race.
Democrats are looking to defend a state President Donald Trump won by just over two percentage points in 2024. Two years later, any misstep could carry enormous consequences.
However, Georgia Democrats and others who have worked with Ossoff — or seen him behind-the-scenes — say he is meticulous about how he communicates and oversees all the details of his campaign’s work. Michael Vainisi, a content strategist who has worked with Democratic presidents and senators in the past, described Ossoff’s speeches as “optimized for clipping.”
Ossoff’s speech over the weekend was no exception: From a Midtown Atlanta rally stage, he quipped of Trump, “He doesn’t want to do the job. He wants to build his ballroom and travel with Natalie on their apparently defenseless flying palace, gifted by the Emir of Qatar. He was referencing Natalie Harp, the president’s executive assistant.
The one-liner has since drawn backlash from Republicans — but also over 5 million views on X.
“He’s very, very involved in almost anything that kind of has his name on it or comes out of him,” said Seth Clark, a Georgia Democrat who has worked with Ossoff on statewide legislative priorities.
One Democratic operative close to the campaign said, “there are no decisions that get made that he doesn’t sign off on.”
Collins is also known for doing his own messaging and using social media to develop a personal brand. During the 2023 GOP speakers’ race, he gained national attention for peppering his social media feed with memes of his party’s chaotic sprint to replace Kevin McCarthy.
His X posts have also gotten him into trouble. In May 2024, for instance, Collins captioned a video of white students at the University of Mississippi taunting a black pro-Palestine protestor with: “Ole Miss taking care of business.” He later had to issue a statement clarifying he did not condone “any form of discrimination — racism or otherwise.”
Public polling shows Ossoff currently leading Collins in the Georgia Senate race.
What else we’re watching:
— JOHNSON: DEMS IN IDEOLOGICAL ‘CIVIL WAR’: Speaker Mike Johnson on the campaign trail Monday aimed to stoke fears among voters that the Democratic Party is being overtaken by its far-left flank.
Democrats are “in the midst of an open civil war” between moderate and progressive factions, Johnson said at an event in Virginia while stumping for vulnerable Rep. Jen Kiggans — and added that House and Senate Minority Leaders Hakeem Jeffries and Chuck Schumer are powerless to stop it.
“They may say they’re not for some of the democratic socialists’ platform, but they’re going to have to bring these people into the fold,” Johnson said of the two leaders. “The energy, the excitement, the grassroots and the funding is on the side of the insurgent left in the Democrat Party. They don’t know what to do about it.”
Jeffries has pushed back on Republicans’ claim that his party is at war amid the pending influx of hard left members, insisting in recent days that there is room in the Democratic caucus for moderates and progressives alike.
In a conversation with reporters at the National Association for Black Journalists’ annual convention in Atlanta, Jeffries suggested that progressives’ ability to influence the House Democratic policy platform will depend on “what happens in terms of what the caucus looks like on the other side of the midterms.”
He also argued that all Democrats are currently united in focusing campaign messaging on “the notion that life is too expensive in the U.S.,” but that’s not to say that House Democrats are totally aligned on other policy matters. In an interview Sunday with NBC News, Jeffries put distance between himself and those calling to defund the police, abolish ICE and open up U.S. borders to all immigrants. Jeffries also would not commit to holding a vote on “Medicare for All” legislation.
Progressive members and candidates generally stayed mum in the aftermath of Jeffries’ comments, while the Republican National Committee from taunted him for “dodg[ing] on if he would push socialist healthcare if Democrats take control of the House.”
— WHAT TO WATCH IN FLORIDA: The Sunshine State’s contentious primary season comes to a head today. Here are a few key things to look out for:
Rep. Byron Donalds is entering the day as the frontrunner in the governor’s race, buoyed by an early endorsement from Trump as well as a substantial fundraising advantage. His rivals have gone after his long-ago criminal record while in college, as well as his stock trading while in Congress — but those attacks haven’t appeared to break through. Retiring Gov. Ron DeSantis declined to endorse a successor.
The outcome of Florida’s congressional races, meanwhile, could help determine which party wins the House majority this November.
Keep an eye on incumbent Rep. Cory Mills, who is under a House Ethics investigation and could give Democrats a potential target in the general if he prevails in his primary tonight against three GOP challengers.
Democratic Rep. Debbie Wasserman Schultz, who was redrawn out of her old district by Republicans, is now running in a contentious primary for a seat that has been represented by Black lawmakers for more than 30 years.
And Reps. Jared Moskowitz and Lois Frankel are trying to hold their own against progressives Oliver Larkin and Victoria Doyle, respectively.
— GRAHAM VS. NORMAN DEBATE: Sen. Darline Graham and Rep. Ralph Norman outlined their campaign platforms during a joint candidates’ forum Monday — a preview of what voters might expect to see in tonight’s South Carolina Senate debate.
The two Republicans are competing in an Aug. 25 runoff to be their party’s nominee in the November election to succeed late-Sen. Lindsey Graham. Both are trying to sell their conservative credentials.
Graham was appointed to fill her brother’s seat in a temporary capacity by Gov. Henry McMaster and has Trump’s endorsement, but she has the challenge of having to introduce herself to the base as a political newcomer. She told forum attendees she supports ending the filibuster to pass a stalled GOP elections bill and opposes DEI policies, abortion and participation by transgender athletes in women’s sports.
She also emphasized that, unlike her brother who had an expertise in foreign affairs, her focus would be on domestic issues, and that she’d be “tougher on illegal immigration,” adding “if you’re here illegally, you should be deported immediately.”
Norman, a longtime member of the House Freedom Caucus who unsuccessfully ran in the gubernatorial primary earlier this year, highlighted his brand as an independent thinker. He doubled down on his opposition to earmarks despite Lindsey Graham’s history of securing funds for local projects, citing the country’s debt crisis: “We cannot keep going the way we’re going.”
He also tried tying his opponent to rich donors with corporate interests: “Every 15 seconds you see an ad that’s tearing me down. The lobbyists that they’re paying for their ads, the billionaires, I have none. I don’t answer to the swamp. That’s her. That’s who supports her.”
Erin Doherty, Alec Hernández report, Gary Fineout and Kimberly Leonard contributed to this report.
Congress
Ethics Committee probing Jimmy Gomez for ‘inappropriate sexual contact with a House staffer’
The House Ethics Committee announced Monday it is investigating Rep. Jimmy Gomez for allegedly “engaging in inappropriate sexual contact with a House staffer.”
The investigation into the California Democrat comes as the House is poised to consider ethics overhaul legislation as soon as next month that would, among other things, ban lawmakers from having sexual relationships with all congressional aides.
The New York Post previously reported that Gomez, 51, had an intimate encounter with a House staffer.
In a statement Monday, Gomez acknowledged cheating on his wife in years past but maintained that his extramarital affairs were “consensual in nature and haven’t violated the law or House Ethics rules.”
He said he was “deeply sorry to my wife for the pain and embarrassment that I have brought into our lives” and noted that he “sought professional assistance to help re-center and heal my relationships and move forward with honesty, transparency, and respect.”
Gomez also said he respects the process of the Ethics Committee and is “confident that a full and impartial review of the facts will bear” out that he did not violate House rules or the law.
Lawmakers are currently prohibited from having a romantic relationship with any staffer “who works under the supervision of the Member,” but that excludes relationships with employees of other offices. Legislation being drafted by Reps. Kat Cammack (R-Fla.) and Teresa Leger Fernández (D-N.M.) would broaden that prohibition to all staffers in the House, not just those working under the supervision of the member.
Reps. Kat Cammack and Teresa Leger Fernández are leading a bipartisan effort to fundamentally change how sexual misconduct and other bad behavior in Congress is investigated and eradicated.
But the goal of changing Congress’ workplace culture could hit a wall of longstanding lawmaker resistance to putting the tools in place to better police themselves.
The duo has been working on legislation for months to reform the Ethics Committee and streamline the process for staffers to report violations, aiming to unveil the framework in September as lawmakers return from recess.
It comes after multiple ethics violations and misconduct allegations have roiled Blue Light News this year.
“I am incredibly optimistic that when we get back into session that we will have a set of reforms that we can all agree on,” Leger Fernández said.
But it remains to be seen if lawmakers are prepared to make big changes that could open them up to further scrutiny amid fears the policies could stoke frivolous claims, fingerpointing and partisan witch hunts.
“Enforcement is where the difficult conversations are happening because enforcement is what makes this real. We’re working through those questions with members directly, which is how real reform gets done,” Cammack said.
Cammack added that every provision must pass the test of “does it actually hold people accountable, or does it just look like it does? Anything that can’t clear that bar isn’t reform, and I’m not interested in reform that’s just for show.”
The last major ethics overhaul happened after the #MeToo movement, with the new law holding lawmakers liable for harassment and establishing a voluntary mediation process for staffers.
But the law didn’t clear the convoluted maze of options for staffers to register their complaints, whether through the Ethics Committee, the Office of Congressional Workplace Rights or the Office of Congressional Conduct. Leger Fernández said she wants their bill to establish a “one stop shop” for reporting complaints.
They’re also planning to recommend overhauling the Ethics Committee’s speed in releasing reports, prohibit all House members from having intimate relationships with any congressional staffer, not just those in their offices, and guarantee starker consequences for lawmakers.
Another hurdle: the biggest proposed changes would need buy in from the Senate. Codifying the Office of Congressional Conduct into law is among them, since the OCC currently only has authority over the House. It’s been awash with bipartisan pushback since it was created, with GOP leadership slow-walking some of its board appointments at the start of the 119th Congress.
What else we’re watching:
— PELOSI’S INFLUENCE LIVES ON IN STAFFER DIASPORA: Former Speaker Nancy Pelosi may be leaving Congress, but dozens of her longtime staffers are sticking around in the House’s top jobs. And several Pelosi alumni can be found in the offices of Minority Whip Katherine Clark as well as Leader Hakeem Jeffries, who is likely to become speaker if Democrats take back the majority this November. The diaspora can now be found now running leadership offices, directing committees and helming new teams as chiefs of staff. The continued presence of about 50 former staffers on Capitol Hill means Pelosi’s influence could be felt inside the House Democratic Caucus pulling the levers of power for decades behind the scenes.
— BRAT SPEAKS TRUMP DOWN UNDER — Once an insurgent rabble-rouser in Congress, newly-confirmed Ambassador David Brat is now a Trump world insider sent to Australia as tariffs test the relationship. “He can speak Trump,” James Braid, President Donald Trump’s director of legislative affairs, said in a recent interview. “And I think that will really help him facilitate Aussie-United States relations.” This dynamic could be key as Brat, who represented Virginia’s 7th Congressional District from 2014-2019, gets to work in Canberra, where political leaders have been rattled by Trump’s implementation of a 12.5 percent tariff on Australian goods.
Chris Marquette, Riley Rogerson and Katherine Tully-McManus contributed to this report.
A bipartisan House effort is underway to fundamentally change how sexual misconduct and other bad behavior on Capitol Hill is identified, investigated and eradicated.
But the widely-held goal of transforming the workplace culture of Congress could quickly run up against longstanding lawmaker resistance to tools necessary to police themselves, with some worried it will turn into another avenue for partisan mudslinging.
Reps. Kat Cammack (R-Fla.) and Teresa Leger Fernández (D-N.M.), the chairs of their respective party’s women’s caucuses, have been working on legislation to change how the Ethics Committee functions and streamline the various processes by which staffers can report violations, with plans to unveil a framework in September after the summer recess.
“I am incredibly optimistic that when we get back into session that we will have a set of reforms that we can all agree on,” Leger Fernández said in an interview this past week.
“We’ve been hard at work all summer, and we’re on track to unveil our proposal next month,” Cammack said in a statement.
The rash of sexual misconduct allegations over the past year against male members of Congress that resulted in two resignations in the same week — from former Reps. Eric Swalwell of California and Tony Gonzales of Texas — has increased the urgency for action. Cammack and Leger Fernández also have support from Speaker Mike Johnson and Democratic Leader Hakeem Jeffries, giving their effort more legitimacy.
Cammack said in an interview before the break she was in touch with Johnson’s office “every single week” on her collaboration with Leger Fernández, describing the speaker as “very aggressive in trying to get this moved along.”
Ultimately, it remains to be seen whether lawmakers are prepared to make big changes that would open themselves and their aides up to more scrutiny amid fears the policies could stoke frivolous claims, finger-pointing and partisan witch hunts.
The last major push to overhaul the congressional ethics process was in 2018, trailing the #MeToo movement a year earlier. Congress sent legislation to President Donald Trump’s desk — which he signed into law — to hold lawmakers liable for harassment and require them to reimburse the Treasury Department for settlements stemming from misconduct.
That effort also established a voluntary mediation process for congressional staffers, giving employees the option to consult with a confidential adviser from the Office of Congressional Workplace Rights to walk them through the process.
What the new law did not do was eliminate the convoluted maze of options where staffers can go to formally register their complaints: The bipartisan House Ethics Committee, the Office of Congressional Workplace Rights or the Office of Congressional Conduct — the non-partisan investigative body that vets outside referrals and makes recommendations of official action to the Ethics Committee.
Leger Fernández said she wants her bill with Cammack to establish a “one stop shop where somebody can know where to call, they’re talking to somebody who has trauma-informed training who will help them understand what the remedies and avenues are.”
“The current system failed the people it was supposed to protect, and everyone here knows it,” Cammack said. “Coming forward is extraordinarily difficult. Fear of retaliation and institutional pressure silence victims long before justice has a chance to speak.”
They also are likely to recommend overhauling how the House Ethics Committee itself functions, including by addressing the speed at which the panel releases reports.
Sometimes the panel has moved quickly. For instance, members issued a report in early August finding Rep. Chuck Edwards participated in “persistent unprofessional and inappropriate conduct towards two young female staffers” — less than five months after allegations against the North Carolina Republican surfaced.
The report recommended that Edwards be censured. While he has denied improper behavior, he also dropped his bid for reelection.
But other inquiries pending before the Ethics Committee have languished, such as the two-year-old probe into allegations that Rep. Cory Mills (R-Fla.) violated campaign finance laws and omitted information from financial disclosures.
Additional allegations involving Mills surfaced after a 2025 incident in which the Washington, D.C, Metropolitan Police Department responded to a report that Mills assaulted a woman he was in a relationship with that the House Ethics Committee is also investigating. Mills has denied the allegations and said he has confidence in the congressional ethics process.
Providing more resources to increase the number of investigative staff and setting stricter deadlines for producing reports could help speed up pending inquiries. But Cammack and Leger Fernández also want to guarantee there are sufficient consequences for lawmakers when misconduct is determined. They plan to recommend that all members of the House be prohibited from having intimate relationships with any congressional staffer, not just those who work in their offices.
The two women want to ensure punishments are meaningful and consistent across the board, too. In the case of Edwards, Leger Fernández said, “we have an incredibly damning and disturbing Ethics Committee report of years of sexual harassment and all they’re recommending is a censure. That, I do not think, is adequate.”
There is a need, she added, for a “stronger and clearer delineation of what happens when you violate the rules of Ethics.”
“Enforcement is where the difficult conversations are happening because enforcement is what makes this real. We’re working through those questions with members directly, which is how real reform gets done,” Cammack said.
Cammack added that every provision must pass the test of “does it actually hold people accountable, or does it just look like it does? Anything that can’t clear that bar isn’t reform, and I’m not interested in reform that’s just for show.”
Tom Rust, the staff director for the Ethics Committee, declined to comment.
Leger Fernández said much of the legislation she is fine-tuning with Cammack could be integrated into the House rules package, which lawmakers must adopt at the start of every Congress.
She acknowledged, however, that other proposed changes would require buy-in from the Senate. That could include codifying the Office of Congressional Conduct into law. The OCC currently only has the authority to investigate members and staff in the House and needs House lawmakers to reauthorize it every two years.
The OCC receives referrals of alleged staff and member misconduct and can then choose to begin an investigation, which requires sign-off by two board members — one chosen by the speaker and one by the minority leader. Once that investigation is complete, it triggers a countdown in which the House Ethics Committee has to either continue with its own investigation or release the OCC’s findings.
This process has spurred the House Ethics Committee to act on countless occasions, including in the cases of former Reps. Chris Collins in 2017, Duncan Hunter in 2016 and, most recently, Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick. Collins went on to plead guilty to participating in an insider trading scheme and was sentenced to over two years in federal prison, while Hunter also pleaded guilty to stealing campaign funds and was sentenced to just under a year in jail. Trump later pardoned them both.
Cherfilus-McCormick, meanwhile, was indicted on federal fraud charges and has pleaded not guilty, with her trial expected to start next year.
But the OCC has consistently been on the receiving end of bipartisan vitriol since its inception in 2008, with members deeply uncomfortable with the idea of being put under the microscope by a slate of outsiders. In 2010, Democrats were eager to gut the OCC’s authority and Republicans in 2017 moved to bulldoze its power, but reversed course after public blowback.
While it wasn’t politically viable to kill the office at the start of the 119th Congress, either, GOP leadership slow-walked appointing members to the OCC’s board, delaying the start of its work for months.
It’s far from certain the Senate would support giving the OCC the force of law or agree to come under its umbrella, primarily for the same reasons why it makes many members uneasy in the House — though momentum is growing around the idea.
Earlier this summer, the Congressional Progressive Staff Association, which represents more than 1,500 House and Senate employees, sent a letter to the leaders on the House Administration Committee and the Senate Committee on Rules, urging the OCC be expanded to the Senate and given limited subpoena authority.
One person granted anonymity to share details about ongoing negotiations over the Cammack-Leger Fernández package said there has been some outreach to Sen. Adam Schiff (D-Calif.). A spokesperson for Schiff said the senator “has been engaging with other offices about possible reforms to the Senate’s rules surrounding sexual misconduct and workplace rights.”
A spokesperson with the Senate Ethics Committee did not respond to a request for comment.
“Our focus right now is getting it right in the House first,” Cammack said.
“The leaders of both parties support it, and members on both sides are done looking the other way. Everyone who comes to work in the People’s House deserves dignity, respect, and protection from abuse,” she added.
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