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Vulnerable New York Democrats sidestep Hochul’s anti-ICE measures

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ALBANY, New York — Gov. Kathy Hochul’s proposals to rein in President Donald Trump’s aggressive immigration enforcement tactics are putting swing seat Democrats in a tight spot.

Republicans are eager to capitalize on state-level efforts to undermine deportations as a cudgel against vulnerable House Democrats — especially those representing the bellwether New York suburbs. Left-leaning Democrats — responding to eroding support for Trump’s immigration policies after the shooting of Renee Good in Minneapolis — are increasingly willing to take a confrontational approach with federal law enforcement.

The rapidly shifting events driving public opinion, Trump’s escalating deployment of Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents and Democrats’ desire to protect undocumented communities has created treacherous political crosscurrents for swing seat lawmakers. And the Empire State — home to large immigrant populations and several contested House districts that may determine control of the chamber — is a case in point.

“They’re going to have to be really careful how they talk about this,” Laura Curran, a Democrat and former Nassau County executive, said of her party’s swing seat candidates. “We don’t want to talk about defunding the police or all that stuff.”

Proposals by Hochul and the Democratic-dominated state Legislature to put guardrails around Trump’s immigration tactics have not been enthusiastically received by vulnerable House Democrats.

Reps. Tom Suozzi and Josh Riley would not comment on the governor’s policy pushback, which she outlined in her State of the State speech this week. And a third Democrat, Rep. Laura Gillen, provided a statement calling for federal immigration reform that avoided any mention of Hochul’s proposals.

Efforts in Albany to check ICE’s actions are quickly becoming an issue in the three Democrats’ races as Trump moves to deport more undocumented immigrants and potentially use the Insurrection Act to quell adversarial protests. Republicans plan to mount competitive campaigns against Suozzi, Riley and Gillen this year with the goal of making in-roads among voters in purplish areas of New York state. Attacks over the governor’s immigration measures are already starting: A spokesperson for the House Republicans’ campaign arm accused Hochul and her fellow Democrats of trying to “reopen the illegal immigration floodgates.”

“New Yorkers haven’t forgotten what Democrats’ reckless open borders did to their state, and they won’t stand for it again,” said National Republican Congressional Committee spokesperson Maureen O’Toole.

The stakes for New York Democrats to get the immigration policy right couldn’t be higher. Races in at least four seats in this deep blue state are expected to determine control of the House — and the course of Trump’s final two years in office.

Republicans in the past have pointed to state-level laws in Democratic-dominated Albany to blast Democrats running for federal office. GOP candidates hammered Democrats, regardless of what office they were running for, over a controversial law that restricted cash bail.

State-backed provisions that undermine federal law enforcement stand to serve as a replay of a fight that played out in several election cycles and led to electoral gains for Republicans.

Gillen’s office sidestepped questions about the Hochul-backed measures and instead called for action on the federal level.

“Our immigration system has been broken for decades and is in dire need of repair,” she said in a statement. “Comprehensive reform must be done at the federal level. Congress should pass my bipartisan Dignity Act to strengthen our border security, remove dangerous criminals, and provide a pathway for law-abiding immigrants to earn legal status.”

Curran, who led bellwether Nassau County for four years, believes Democrats in swing seats will have to remain cautious with calls to scale back ICE. But she acknowledged some voters want action following Good’s death and Trump’s threat of invoking the Insurrection Act amid ICE’s clashes with protesters. The fraught emotions have created a tricky balancing act for Democrats in tough races.

“The dramatic nature of all this ICE action is really starting to freak people out,” Curran said. “The popularity of Republicans is starting to go down if this escalates. This is going to become much more toxic, but I also understand why some of these Congressional Democrats are being vanilla. I understand these districts; they have to be.”

The lack of support for Hochul’s ICE-curbing plans among the trio of vulnerable New York Democrats underscores how Trump’s increasingly controversial deportation efforts continue to be a third rail for the party. Democrats have struggled to articulate an alternative plan and voters punished their candidates in 2024 as the president returned to the White House promising swift action.

But the expansive efforts to remove people from the country have changed how the party’s officials — especially at the state level — are approaching the issue.

Democrats in Albany this year want new boundaries around federal immigration officers — provisions that would apply to a state with a civically engaged immigrant population. Hochul wants to make it easier for New Yorkers to sue federal officials in state court and to require a judicial warrant before carrying out a civil deportation proceedings in locations like schools or houses of worship. Hochul will also implement restrictions on new state-funded public safety grants to require they not be used to support civil immigration enforcement by the federal government.

The moderate Democrat in interviews has hammered ICE’s recent actions around the country, accusing the agency of abusing its power.

“It hurts peoples’ confidence in all law enforcement,” she told Fox 5. “This undermines the NYPD, and our state police, who are just doing their jobs.”

State lawmakers have proposed bills to prohibit federal agents from wearing masks while carrying out their official duties. They are calling for new monitoring requirements for ICE. And there are discussions to guarantee that every person facing civil deportation proceedings has access to an attorney.

“There’s a massive shift — including my own shift,” said Democratic state Sen. Pat Fahy. “Public opinion has shifted dramatically.”

The Albany-area Democrat has worked with state lawmakers across the country in recent weeks to develop new legislation. Spurred by efforts in California — like requiring ICE agents be unmasked — Fahy and her fellow legislators have been on group chats trading ideas for new ways of bottling up federal enforcement efforts. She acknowledged, though, that some moderate Democrats are yet to come around amid uncertainty over how the rapidly changing events will shape the public’s view of the deportation crackdown.

“The marginal Democrats or the swing area Democrats are still nervous about it,” she said. “But now it’s more than an immigration issue. This is about who we are as Americans.”

Even among Democrats eager to put the brakes to ICE’s enforcement there are disagreements.

Hochul is typically cautious around controversial immigration issues — she is not embracing calls to expand sanctuary protections and said in a Fox 5 interview this week she does not want the agency abolished. But the governor received standing ovations from the audience when she laid out her immigration measures in her State of the State address — a speech given days after Good’s shooting in Minneapolis and an indication she is delicately threading a needle with her proposals.

“This doesn’t interfere with lawful enforcement or public safety,” Hochul said in the speech. “It simply affirms a core truth: Power does not justify abuse.”

There are signs voters across the country are becoming unnerved by immigration agents’ expansive tactics and deployments. A Quinnipiac University poll this week found 57 percent of voters disapproved of how ICE is enforcing immigration laws while 53 percent of those surveyed believe Good’s shooting was not justified.

Hochul has said she was “sickened” by Good’s death and called for “recourse” when a federal official acts inappropriately.

“Let’s start holding these people accountable,” she told MSNOW this month.

Her likely Republican opponent, Nassau County Executive Bruce Blakeman, has taken a starkly different posture.

Blakeman — who signed an executive order opposing sanctuary-related policies — told reporters this week he does not want to “put any shackles on ICE.” He said videos of Good appeared to show her turning her car toward an ICE agent and “trying to run down” the officer — a claim Hochul’s campaign rebuked. The Republican added that there should be more support for victims of crimes by undocumented immigrants.

“You want to talk about ICE? Let’s talk about the victims of crimes committed in New York state by the people who shouldn’t be here,” said Blakeman, who Republicans expect will have strong coattails in down-ballot Long Island races.

The differing views among Democrats over how to address Trump’s immigration actions highlights Hochul’s imperative to win over statewide voters, while swing seat incumbents must take a more careful approach, said independent political analyst J.C. Polanco.

“Hochul understands she’s never going to win a Blakeman voter,” he said. “Unfortunately for Gillen and Suozzi, they need Blakeman voters.”

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Congress

Platner raised $4 million, but Collins retains cash advantage

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Progressive political newcomer Graham Platner outraised both Democratic Gov. Janet Mills and Sen. Susan Collins in the first fundraising quarter in Maine’s key Senate race.

But Collins, seeking her sixth term, maintains a formidable cash advantage over both of her Democratic opponents that could give her a head start against whichever Democrat emerges from the June primary.

Platner raised $4.1 million in the first quarter, down from $4.6 million he had raised the prior quarter, while Mills brought in $2.6 million, down from $2.7 million in the final quarter of 2025, which had also included her campaign launch.

Collins brought in just over $3 million and had just over $10 million in the bank. She is also expected to be buoyed by a wave of outside money, with a super PAC supporting her, Pine Tree Results, reporting another $11.5 million cash on hand. Platner had $2.7 million in the bank, while Mills had just over $1 million.

Maine is one of national Democrats’ top targets as they seek to take back the Senate, with Collins the only Republican senator representing a seat won by Kamala Harris in 2024.

But it is one of the few battleground states where Democrats do not have a clear cash advantage. The comparatively lower fundraising totals for Platner and Mills compared to Democratic Senate candidates in states such as Ohio and North Carolina may reflect that some donors are still waiting on the sidelines to see which of the pair emerges to face Collins, while others are choosing sides.

Both Platner and Mills have faced challenges, albeit very different ones, in the primary. Mills, a two-term governor who entered the race with the backing of national Democrats, has trailed in recent public polling despite her near-universal name recognition. Platner, an oysterman and military veteran, quickly caught national attention and has drawn large crowds in the state. But he has been beset with a string of controversies involving old Reddit posts that began in mid-October, near the beginning of the previous fundraising quarter.

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Rogers holds slim cash advantage in Michigan over Dem opponents

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Former GOP Rep. Mike Rogers has opened up a small cash advantage over his Democratic rivals in Michigan’s open Senate race as they battle through a competitive primary. But he hasn’t taken full advantage of the hard-fought contest on the other side to build a big financial edge.

Rogers raised $2.2 million over the first three months of the year and began April with $4.2 million in cash on hand, according to his federal campaign finance filing.

It’s a small cushion, however, especially considering that he has no serious primary competition, with two of his three Democratic potential opponents outraising him for the quarter.

State Sen. Mallory McMorrow raked in $3 million and had nearly $3.7 million in cash on hand. Abdul El-Sayed raised just under $2.3 million and had $2.5 million in the bank. And Rep. Haley Stevens brought in $2 million and had nearly $3.4 million in her coffers.

Still, Rogers is in a better financial position now than at this point in his last Senate run, when he had less than $1.4 million in cash on hand compared to now-Sen. Elissa Slotkin’s $8.6 million. Slotkin beat Rogers in that race by just 19,000 votes as Trump won the state by an 80,000-vote margin.

Rogers is in line for some significant outside aid. The Senate Leadership Fund, a top Republican super PAC, said earlier this month that it would pour $45 million into flipping the seat that will be critical to determining control of the chamber.

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House Transportation chair reveals markup date for highway bill

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House Transportation Chair Sam Graves (R-Mo.) is targeting April 29 as the markup date for the surface transportation reauthorization bill and is negotiating a topline number between $500 and $550 billion, he told Blue Light News Wednesday.

While a final topline number has yet to be agreed on, Graves said he has a ballpark figure.

“I’m gonna say it’s gonna be somewhere in the neighborhood of $550 billion or $500 billion — somewhere in there. That will be our number. We’re still actually — believe it or not — negotiating that,” Graves said.

That $550 billion total number being discussed for what is also known as the highway bill would be a combination of authorizations and contract authority for a five-year span.

If that number holds, the bill would be well below the 2021 bipartisan infrastructure law, which totaled $1.2 trillion, with $550 billion of that going to new federal spending for roads, bridges, transit, broadband, resilience and water infrastructure. Graves has said he wants the upcoming bill to be more traditional than the previous one with more focus on roads and bridges.

He added that he is in active talks with ranking member Rick Larsen (D-Wash.) and that he thinks Larsen “wants a little bit more” in funding. Peter True, a spokesperson for Larsen, confirmed Larsen wants a higher number than $550 billion.

Graves said there will be a registration fee for electric vehicles in the surface bill, a long-sought goal of his. Last year, he succeeded in inserting a $250 registration fee for EVs and $100 for hybrids in the House version of the GOP-led budget reconciliation bill, but those provisions never made it into law. He said the EV fee will be different this time around.

“We lowered it a little bit,” Graves said of the EV fee, though he did not provide an exact figure.

As for a registration fee on hybrid cars, he was less clear: “We’re not sure yet, but yes, probably.”

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