The Dictatorship
Trump’s fans keep calling him ‘daddy.’ But there’s a dark side to this metaphor.
America has long had daddy issues with the presidency, but now they’re threatening to undermine democracy.
It started with George Washington: “the father of our country,” as we’re all taught, though he had no children of his own. In recent years, it’s included Bill Clinton, whose biological father died before he was born and who fought with his stepfather; George W. Bush, one of two presidents whose fathers were also presidents; and Barack Obama, who wrote a whole book about a father he barely knew.
He’s convinced his supporters that he’s something of a surrogate father to them — and the country.
For his part, Donald Trump took over his father Fred’s real estate business and adopted Fred Trump’s strict “winners and losers” mentality. He’s a father of five kids by three mothers. And he’s convinced his supporters that he’s something of a surrogate father to them — and to the country — in a troubling use of rhetoric.
At first, the framing was just about Trump returning to the White House, which was unsettling but made a bit of sense. At a pre-inauguration event, musician Kid Rock added the words “daddy’s home” to the song he was performing. Around the same time, die-hard MAGA Republican Rep. Byron Donalds of Florida said on a Fox News panel “Daddy’s back,” Republican Rep. Lauren Boebert of Colorado tweeted “Daddy’s home,” and conservative influencer Charlie Kirk posted, “Dad is home.”
Things heated up in June. When discussing Trump’s expletive-laden comment on Israel and Iran, NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte used a metaphor: “Daddy has to sometimes use strong language.” Trump ate it up with a spoon, imitating it for the cameras later. “He did it very affectionately, ‘Daddy, you’re my daddy,’” he said. The White House then posted video of Trump set to Usher’s song “Hey Daddy (Daddy’s Home),” while the campaign sold red T-shirts with the word “DADDY” beneath his mug shot.
But for some of Trump’s fans, there’s a darker undercurrent to the rhetoric.
After the California wildfires burned down his home in Malibu, conservative actor Mel Gibson described Trump visiting the state as “like Daddy’s arrived, and he’s taking his belt off.” At a 2024 campaign rally, conservative commentator Tucker Carlson compared the U.S. to a defiant 15-year-old girl whose angry father has come home go give her a “vigorous spanking” for being a “bad little girl.”
That lines up neatly with an argument cognitive linguist George Lakoff made in his 1996 book “Moral Politics” that American politics is built around an overwrought parenting metaphor, with conservatives serving as the “strict father” and liberals as the “nurturant parent.”
This frame explains a lot about Trump’s political agenda. Just as the strict father defends the family against outside threats, Trump pledges to protect the country from immigrants that he casts as violent criminals. His cuts to everything from foreign aid to the Federal Emergency Management Agency to Medicaid are framed as “tough love” that will teach self-reliance. And, of course, strict fathers expect total obedience from their children — which has unsettling implications for the future of American democracy.
There are several ways to respond.
For people seeking favors from Trump, it makes sense to play it up. Rutte, who is surely hoping to keep the United States from leaving or otherwise disregarding NATO, earned a lot of goodwill from the president with that one remark. The downside is that this only encourages Trump to see himself this way and it validates his self-image among his supporters.
Critics also use the language to mock Trump, as when a Democratic state lawmaker in Texas criticized his colleagues for considering a proposal pushed by the president as doing “whatever Daddy Donald Trump asks of them.” This works as a way of criticizing other politicians by making them seem weak by comparison and highlights the weirdness of the whole “daddy” thing to the president’s critics. But it doesn’t do much to undermine his support.
Another tactic would be to argue that the frame is wrong, like literally every person who has tapped out “Trump is NOT my daddy” on social media after someone called him that. But like most of what’s posted on social media, this doesn’t do much to persuade anyone and only ends up giving the metaphor more exposure. Instead of refuting a metaphor this way, Lakoff recommends instead “shifting the frame” to a new one, but this particular one is so ingrained in American politics that may not be so easy.
You could argue that Trump is more like a dad who doesn’t live up to his obligations.
Another possibility would be to go after the metaphor directly. You could argue that Trump is not like a beneficent father, but more like a dad who doesn’t live up to his obligations to keep the family safemanage its finances and provide basic support. You can tell his supporters that it’s not their fault that he let them down and affirm their disappointment. And you can point the way toward an alternative model of presidents who keeps up their end of the bargain.
In the real world, strict parenting works in the short term, as children learn to be compliant, like the von Trapps responding to a whistle. But in the long run it usually fails, as they come to resent their parents for stifling them. We may find a similar thing happens in politics. Trump is demanding obedience now, and all too often getting it. But there will likely be a cost to that down the road, for both Trump and the country.
Ryan Teague Beckwith is a newsletter editor for BLN. He has previously worked for such outlets as Time magazine and Bloomberg News. He teaches journalism at Georgetown University’s School of Continuing Studies and is the creator of Your First Byline.
FORT WORTH, Texas (AP) — Eight protesters accused by the Justice Department of having ties to antifawere sentenced Tuesday to decades in federal prison over a shooting outside a Texas immigration detention center that wounded a police officer. Prosecutors have called the shooting an act of terrorism.
One of the defendants, a former U.S. Marine Corps reservist convicted of opening fire during the July 4 demonstration outside the Prairieland Detention Center near Dallas, was sentenced to 100 years in prison, the maximum punishment.
The lengthy sentences were condemned by family members and supporters in a news conference outside the federal courthouse in Fort Worth. Hope Song, whose son Benjamin Songreceived the heftiest sentence, disputed prosecutors’ claims that her son shot the officer and said he didn’t intend to hurt anyone.
U.S. District Judge Reed O’Connor, one of two judges overseeing the proceedings, said what happened wasn’t a protest but “an assault on democracy.”
“The need to deter this type of conduct is high,” O’Connor said.
The seven other protesters received prison terms ranging from 30 to 70 years.
Prosecutors said the eight are members of antifa, a decentralized anti-fascist organization and a targetof the Trump administration. Antifa is not a single organization but rather an umbrella term for far-left militant groups that confront or resist neo-Nazis and white supremacists at demonstrations.
President Donald Trump last fall signed an executive order designating antifa a domestic terrorist organization, even though there is no domestic equivalent to the State Department’s list of foreign terror organizations.
The defendants deny any affiliation with antifa and maintain they attended the demonstration in support of detained immigrants.
Prosecutor Frank Gatto urged the judge to impose stiff penalties.
“People with that kind of extremist beliefs need extra time in prison,” Gatto said. “They believe violence is justified.”
Phillip Hayes, Song’s attorney, said outside the courthouse that he takes issue with the idea that the protesters are extremists.
“This is a bunch of kids and young adults who really have a really big heart and really wanted their voice to be heard,” Hayes said. “It was never intended that anybody get hurt. It was never intended that any shots would be fired.”
Prosecutors said in court that Song had yelled “get to the rifles” and opened fire, striking a police officer who had just pulled up to the center.
Hayes argued that Song’s shots were “suppressive fire” and that a ricochet bullet hit the officer after he arrived on the scene and “aggressively” pulled out his firearm. He said his client will appeal the 100-year sentence.
“Song, aside from this day, has had an impeccable life. A former Marine. A good student,” Hayes said. “He had a lot of good qualities that were just ignored. The judge went ahead and gave as much as he could.”
Other defendants and their family members pleaded for leniency in court.
Autumn Hill said the gathering “seemed more like a party to me than anything else” and that she and others who participated “didn’t expect or want any violence or destruction of property to occur.”
Amber Lowrey told the judge that her sister, Savanna Batten, is a compassionate person with dreams of opening a bakery. She said Batten’s activism started with animal rights and evolved into anti-war and human rights advocacy.
“She’s the best person I know,” Lowrey said.
Hill and Batten both received 50-year sentences.
Other defendants previously pleaded guilty to providing material support to terrorists rather than take their case to trial.
Critics warn the case could have a wide-reaching impact on protests given that organizations operating within the U.S. are supposed to be protected by First Amendment free-speech rights.
Last week, federal prosecutors charged 15 peoplewith impeding the Trump administration’s immigration crackdownin Minnesota. They claimed the demonstrators were members of antifa who conspired against the federal government to block arrests and deportations by setting up blockades around government buildings and throwing chunks of ice at federal vehicles, among other actions.
The Dictatorship
Tulsi Gabbard and Senate GOP face difficult new questions over influence of her ‘guru’
About a month into Donald Trump’s second term, Senate Republicans weighed whether to confirm one of the president’s worst nominees. Indeed, the list of reasons to reject Tulsi Gabbard’s nomination for director of national intelligence was not short.
The former congresswoman lacked the requisite experience in intelligence matters. She had an indefensible habit of echoing Russian propaganda. She struggled to explain her record of defending Bashar al-Assad’s Syrian regime. Senators heard from former national security officials who issued unsubtle warnings about elevating Gabbard to an important and influential position.
But in case that weren’t quite enough, let’s also not overlook the fact that Gabbard was a member of a secretive Hare Krishna offshoot religious sect that is considered by many of its former members to be an abusive cult.
Gabbard, who wrapped up her tenure as DNI last week, has long insisted that any suggestion that she was somehow enthralled to or controlled by this sect or its leader, whom she has referred to as her “guru,” is just bigotry against her faith.
But it’s against this backdrop that The Washington Post obtained hundreds of secret memos prepared for Gabbard during her congressional tenure, which were put together by members of the alleged cult and which included thousands of pages of specific directives to her on policy and politics.
After careful analysis of thousands of these documents, which have not been independently verified by MS NOW, the Post determined that they likely came from Gabbard’s secretive guru, a man named Chris Butler.
The memos, starting in 2013, when the Hawaiian first arrived on Capitol Hill, reflect a dynamic in which Gabbard didn’t just take direction from the materials, but essentially took dictation from the alleged cult leader: Memos told Gabbard what she should do as a member of Congress, and she often did exactly that, sometimes word for word.
The Post’s Jon Swaine spent months trying to get Gabbard to respond to questions, but to no avail. Her spokeswoman reportedly encouraged Swaine to drop the story, saying, “I cannot imagine WaPo’s readers would be interested in yet another uncredible, bigoted attack on the DNI’s faith.”
On May 20, Swaine nevertheless alerted the DNI and top members of her staff to the fact that the Post was prepared to publish his reporting anyway on her association with Butler.
On May 22, Fox News reported that Gabbard was leaving the administration, ostensibly because of a health issue involving her husband.
This week, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer spoke on the Senate floor and commented on the reporting:
There are reports that Tulsi Gabbard was receiving instructions from a so-called guru and repeating them word for word. That ought to concern all of us if it’s true. No one knows who this guru really is, what his connections are, and where the instructions came from. … We need answers.
The New York Democrat’s comments made sense, though it’s worth considering who, exactly, “we need answers” from.
It stands to reason, for example, that Gabbard has some explaining to do, but I’m also interested in the answers from those who elevated her to an influential intelligence office in the first place.
In February 2025, confronted with an avalanche of reasons to reject Gabbard’s nomination, 52 Senate Republicans — every GOP member except Kentucky’s Mitch McConnell — shrugged off every red flag and voted to confirm her as the nation’s DNI, including so-called “moderates” such as Maine’s Susan Collins and Alaska’s Lisa Murkowski.
The question for these 52 senators seems obvious: Do you regret that confirmation vote and now recognize it as a mistake? Or do you still think it was a good idea to put Gabbard in this influential intelligence position?
Steve Benen is a producer for “The Rachel Maddow Show,” the editor of MaddowBlog and an MS NOW political contributor. He’s also the bestselling author of “Ministry of Truth: Democracy, Reality, and the Republicans’ War on the Recent Past.”
In the lead-up to the Iran war, President Donald Trump dismissed the possibility that Tehran would close the Strait of Hormuz despite warnings from his top military adviser, authors of a new book told MS NOW’s Lawrence O’Donnell on Monday.
In their first televised interview about “Regime Change: Inside the Imperial Presidency of Donald Trump,” New York Times reporters Maggie Haberman and Jonathan Swan said Trump also disregarded warnings from Gen. Dan Caine, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, about the potential effects on American weaponry and about casualties.
The initial closure of the strait, a narrow passageway through which a fifth of the world’s oil passes, led to a spike in gas and oil prices. According to Swan, Trump thought Iran would have limited time to take action because the war would be over quickly — a claim he has made repeatedly during the nearly four-month-long war.
“He felt that this regime was a paper tiger, that this was going to be a fast war,” Swan said on “The Last Word.” “He just said he felt that that was going to be the case, that they were going to collapse very quickly.”
“It’s a form of magical thinking, actually, is what it all boils down to,” he added.
The revelation is just one of several in the book — which is based on more than 1,000 interviews — that illustrate how Trump repeatedly bases geopolitical decisions on his own whims rather than experts’ assessments.
Another example of such thinking was when Trump floated a plan to expel 2 million Palestinians from Gaza so he could turn it into the “Riviera of the Middle East.” Haberman and Swan wrote in the book that one senior aide characterized the idea as “legitimately nutso … but very on-brand.”
Haberman also spoke about “how scared” people were inside the White House ahead of last year’s so-called Liberation Daywhen Trump unveiled sweeping global tariffs. (The Supreme Court struck down those tariffs in February.)
“They were scared at how close the bond markets came to just completely melting down seven days later, which was finally what got him [Trump] off of it, but again, it was the willingness to just go straight to the brink” that was jarring, Haberman said.
Despite such fear among Trump’s staff, Haberman added, the White House makes up “a group of people who genuinely want to see him succeed.”
Julianne McShane is a breaking news reporter for MS NOW who also covers the politics of abortion and reproductive rights. You can send her tips from a non-work device on Signal at jmcshane.19 or follow her on X or Bluesky.
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