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These gov candidates stood up to Trump in 2020. Now they’re betting voters have moved on.

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State election officials were among the most visible defenders of American democracy after the 2020 election — standing up to President Donald Trump, rejecting false claims and, whether they wanted to or not, becoming national symbols of institutional resistance to his attempts to overturn his election loss.

But as some run for governor in 2026, they are eager to talk about anything but 2020.

More than five years after Trump’s attempt to cling to power ignited a political rallying cry on the left and a loyalty test on the right, these Republican and Democratic candidates are betting — and, in some cases, hoping — that voters have moved on.

A pair of Republican secretaries of state who rejected Trump’s false 2020 election claims and then survived MAGA-fueled 2022 primaries are running for governor. Unsurprisingly, neither is keen to relitigate the issue that linger over their hopes this year.

“2020 is very far behind us as secretaries of state,” Kansas Republican Secretary of State Scott Schwab said. “We remember it, but we’re moving on, and I think the American public is too.”

But Trump isn’t ready to move on, complicating these candidates’ hopes of putting 2020 in the rearview mirror. Speaking before an audience of global leaders and business officials in Davos last week, Trump repeated his false claim that the 2020 election was “rigged” and promised that “people will soon be prosecuted for what they did.”

Two Democratic secretaries of state are also running for the governor’s mansion. And while defending democracy and their defiance to Trump on election issues forms a defining part of their political biographies, both candidates lead with pocketbook issues rather than making protecting the vote the centerpiece.

“This election is about Michigan, and this election is about who is best positioned to lower costs for the people in our state,” Michigan Democratic Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson told Blue Light News.

In many ways, the shift reflects the reality of running for the governor’s mansion. The job description is much broader from the office of the secretary of state — and voters want to hear about what politicians will do for them now.

But it also underscores the political evolution of one of the most animating aspects of Trump’s first term.

For Democrats, democracy was a potent force in 2022, when candidates leaned heavily into running against election deniers. And many Democrats say it’s still effective.

“They use the issue as an illustration of character,” said Democratic pollster Celinda Lake. “It really communicates integrity, nonpartisanship, commitment to democracy and freedom, standing up for people, and courage.”

As Democratic candidates’ use of democracy messaging has evolved, strategists say the meaning of “democracy” itself has also shifted since 2020. Then, it was largely about election integrity and the transfer of power. Now, it’s increasingly tied to broader concerns about executive authority, with Democrats arguing they’ll be the ones who can stand up to a president they see as authoritarian.

“This is the moment where you need a governor who won’t bend the knee,” said Benson, who has been outspoken against the Trump administration following back-to-back killings of protestors in Minnesota by federal agents.

Michigan Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson speaks during a House Administration Committee hearing on

Jocelyn Benson

Benson was on the front lines of defending her state’s election results after 2020, facing threats and swatting attacks. That period is a part of her messaging: Her campaign launch video showed news footage of her home being surrounded by protesters, and she remains outspoken against false claims related to the 2020 election.

She has also cast that moment as proof of leadership — and a willingness to stand up to Trump. “We fought back to protect democracy itself and we showed that as state officials, that’s how we have to respond to bullies who try to rip away our rights no matter how powerful they may be,” she said.

But on the campaign trail, Benson has often focused more on bread-and-butter economic issues. Affordability, housing, health care, childcare and energy costs are listed as her top issues on her campaign website.

“What every resident, every citizen, every voter in this election knows is how important it is to have a governor who will fight for them and who will fight for them in a way that that effectively lowers their cost of living while also protecting the safety of themselves, their families and their communities,” Benson told Blue Light News.

Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger speaks during a news conference in Atlanta, on Nov. 11, 2020, after state election officials announced an audit of the presidential election results.

Brad Raffensperger

Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger was one of the most prominent Republicans to reject Trump after the president urged him to “find” more votes in his state. The incident propelled him into the national spotlight — and drew fury from the president and his MAGA base, leading to death threats. He warded off a Trump-endorsed primary challenge in 2022, in part by taking his case to conservative media. Now, he’s seeking the governor’s mansion in the state that is in many ways the epicenter of Trump’s bid to hold on to power in 2020.

Raffensperger does not directly talk about the 2020 incident in his launch video or on his campaign website. Instead, he frames his record as evidence that he is willing to make the “tough decisions.” His launch video focuses on creating jobs in Georgia, lowering property taxes and banning transgender women from women sports, among other issues — issues that are key to voters but not central to his current day job.

But Georgia’s 2020 election keeps getting pushed back into the spotlight.

On Wednesday, the FBI executed a search warrant at the Fulton County elections office outside Atlanta, seizing all ballots from the 2020 election there.

“He’s trying to talk about other issues, [but] 2020 keeps coming up,” said Buzz Brockway, a former Republican state legislator who lost to Raffensperger in a 2018 primary.

Brockway said many Republicans have moved on from 2020 — but that there remains a “loud, noisy contingent who are continuing that battle” that Raffensperger will have to contend with, even if most voters’ main focus lies elsewhere.

Raffensperger has largely sidestepped questions about the 2020 election — in a November interview with the Atlanta-Journal Constitution, he said that it showed that he does the “right thing, no matter what.”

“Other people haven’t been put to that test, but we were at the end of the day,” he said.

Raffensperger’s campaign declined to comment for this story.

Still, Raffensperger’ opponents in the GOP primary, particularly Lt. Gov. Burt Jones, are eager to keep 2020 alive in the race. Jones, who was a fake elector in the state, has tried to cast his actions during that period as unflinching loyalty to the president.

“I don’t know that it brings Jones any new voters,” Brockway said, but it may be an effort to “energize his base.”

Kansas Secretary of State Scott Schwab takes the stage for his victory speech after winning reelection during a watch party in Topeka, Kansas, in 2022.

Scott Schwab

In ruby-red Kansas, Schwab defied some of the loudest voices in his party when he repeatedly rejected false claims about the 2020 election in his role as secretary of state. He has been clear that he does not see that chapter as central to his gubernatorial bid as he runs in a crowded GOP primary.

“Everybody’s concerned about taxes, especially with cost of living,” Schwab, a past chair of the National Association of Secretaries of State, said in an interview. “Property taxes are a real red-hot button in Kansas.”

His campaign launch video only briefly mentions election issues, and almost as an afterthought. “As secretary of state, I streamlined business services and cut bureaucratic red tape,” he said. “I secured our elections, too.”

There remains a segment of the GOP for whom election issues remain salient, said Bob Beatty, a political science professor at Washburn University in Kansas. But for the broader electorate — those most likely to turn out in midterm elections — these issues are still “pretty low down the list.”

In 2022, Schwab, Raffensperger and Benson all prevailed in their reelections, despite facing Trump-backed challengers or outright election deniers.

“I would say that most people really believe that we’ve moved on,” Schwab said.

Main Secretary of State Shenna Bellows speaks at the U.S. Election Assistance Commission Standards Board in-person public meeting in Charlotte North Carolina in April 2025.

Shenna Bellows

Democrat Secretary of State Shenna Bellows became Maine secretary of state in January 2021 after being chosen by the state legislature, just as Trump was in the middle of his push to overturn his election loss. In 2023, she ruled that Trump should be barred from the ballot for his conduct during the Jan. 6, 2021 attack on the Capitol, a decision later overturned by the Supreme Court.

In the blue-leaning state, and facing a crowded primary, Bellows has been more eager to talk about the issue than some of her fellow chief election officials.

“Leadership is about doing what is right, even when it is hard,” she said in her launch video, which highlighted the threats and harassment she faced as a result of her decision.

In her bid for governor, she has emphasized that anger over Trump’s actions exists in tandem with persistent anxiety about the economy. Like Benson, she has been vocal in criticizing the killings in Minnesota.

“The economy is the number one issue for most Mainers, there’s a lot of economic concern right now, especially in the wake of the tariffs and increasing job losses that we’re about to see,” she told Blue Light News.

“That being said, I also think it’s really important to tell the truth,” she said. “What the Trump decision and my work as secretary and defending democracy tells people about me is that I will do the right thing even when it’s hard.”

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‘It would be catastrophic’: A Supreme Court decision could upend Alaska’s crucial Senate race

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In the villages that dot Kodiak Island off the coast of southwest Alaska, the post arrives by plane. Mailing a ballot to the archipelago’s hub takes at least two days — if the region’s frequent storms haven’t grounded air traffic.

It’s a common problem across Alaska. And it’s a big reason why the state allows ballots postmarked by Election Day to be counted for up to 10 days afterward, a critical reprieve for voters in remote communities that are disconnected from the state’s highway system and sometimes even polling locations.

That’s why Alaskans across the political spectrum are sounding the alarm about a pending Supreme Court ruling. A majority of justices appear to be leaning toward barring states from counting late-arriving ballots, a ruling that would upend voting laws in Alaska and more than a dozen other states. That could potentially disenfranchise hundreds of voters in Kodiak’s distant villages and thousands more across the remote reaches of The Last Frontier — and upend Alaska’s election process in a state that could determine Senate control.

“This matters a lot in a place like Kodiak, because absentee voting, it’s not a convenience here,” said Jared Griffin, the mayor of Kodiak Island Borough, who is an independent. “It’s going to really hurt those rural, remote voters.”

A ban on late-arriving ballots could have an outsized impact on Alaska Natives, many of whom live in rural villages that already experience delays in receiving and returning ballots. It’s a scenario that’s sparking bipartisan fears of depressed turnout in the state’s hotly competitive Senate race between former Democratic Rep. Mary Peltola and GOP Sen. Dan Sullivan. The contest could decide control of the chamber.

Democrats in particular are crying foul — accusing Republicans of pushing changes that could disenfranchise members of a significant Democratic-leaning voting bloc.

“It would be catastrophic. It’s mean-spirited,” Eric Croft, the chair of the Alaska Democratic Party, said of the potential effect on rural and Native voters. “It would hurt participation in rural Alaska. And Mary Peltola’s very strong in her Native communities, and in the community she comes from. So I think it will hurt her.”

‘Blunt-force trauma’

President Donald Trump won Alaska by 13 points in 2024. But both sides see a competitive Senate race shaping up.

Peltola holds a narrow edge over Sullivan in the handful of public polls testing the race so far, leading the Republican by 5 percentage points in an Alaska Survey Research poll from mid-March. National Democrats see Peltola as a major recruiting win, and have already put over $3 million into boosting her campaign, according to ad tracking firm AdImpact.

Republicans are shoveling money into the state as well, a sign they don’t see Sullivan as a lock. Senate Leadership Fund, a super PAC aligned with Majority Leader John Thune, pledged this week to pump $15 million into the race — a staggering sum for the state of 740,000 people.

Core to Peltola’s hopes of flipping the state — and possibly the Senate — are running up the score in the Bush region, the term Alaskans use for the a vast expanse of isolated villages from the Aleutian Islands to the North Slope that are cut off from the state’s road system and include much of its indigenous communities.

Alaska Natives make up roughly 20 percent of the state’s electorate and are a powerful force in its politics. They helped propel Peltola, who is Yup’ik and has deep roots in the Bethel region, to her 2022 special-election upset to serve out the remainder of the late Rep. Don Young’s term in the House. In the November election that year, Peltola swept the vast majority of predominantly Native precincts, according to an analysis by Split Ticket. They’ve also backed GOP Sen. Lisa Murkowski against right-wing challengers; Sullivan has ties with the communities as well.

Many Alaska Natives rely on voting by mail, and activists see it as a critical tool in rural stretches where voter turnout is often lower than in more urban areas. That includes the region Peltola represented in the state House.

Ballots come in late from all over the state where more than four-fifths of communities are cut off from the main road system. But they’re tardy from rural and Native communities at a rate two-to-three-times higher than those coming from mainly urban and non-Native areas, according to a brief that a group of Native organizations filed to the Supreme Court. In state House District 38, which Peltola represented, nearly four-fifths of all absentee ballots came in after Election Day.

None of those late-arriving ballots would be counted if the Supreme Court strikes down a five-business-day grace period in Mississippi, in the case brought by the Republican National Committee and backed by the Trump administration.

“They want a ballot in their hands the day of election [so] you know the winner that night. That’s difficult,” said Democratic state Rep. Maxine Dibert, an Alaska Native who represents a district in and around Fairbanks, in the rural center of the state. “There’s already barriers to voting.”

The ruling, which could come this summer, could upend election administration in Alaska just two months before the state’s primaries — a worst-case scenario that prompted the state’s Republican attorney general, Stephen Cox, to ask the court to issue “clear parameters for Alaska” in its eventual ruling. Though Cox did not take sides in the case, he stressed the “unique challenges” Alaskans face in voting in a state where volatile weather can knock out mail services and polling locations sometimes lack the staff to open.

Peltola’s campaign said in a statement that she would work to ensure “Alaskans are able to make their voices heard” in November.

“Mary believes everyone who is eligible to vote should have access to the ballot box and one-size-fits-all rules from DC rarely work for large rural states like Alaska,” campaign spokesperson Harry Child said. “Whether by road, plane, or boat, we’ll be reaching Alaskans where they’re at and making sure they can participate in our safe and secure elections.”

Alaskan leaders are also bracing for the far less likely passage of the SAVE America Act, a set of voting strictures being pushed by Trump and his allies that state officials and local activists warn could further disenfranchise rural and Native populations. The bill is stalled in the Senate in part over the objections of Alaska’s senior senator, Republican Lisa Murkowski, though Sullivan supports it.

“We’re going through a lot of blunt-force trauma with this multi-pronged effort to not meet the voters where we’re at,” said Michelle Sparck, who runs Get Out the Native Vote, a nonpartisan group dedicated to improving Native turnout.

Senate stakes

Murkowski, who has drawn strong Native support across her campaigns and is backing Sullivan in his reelection bid over her former ally Peltola, has slammed her party’s twin efforts to curtail mail voting and tighten identification requirements as a “level of voter intimidation.” And she has warned a Supreme Court ruling eliminating the grace period for mail ballots would hit her state harder than any other.

“I’ve got a state that is very reliant on mail-in voting,” she told Blue Light News, “and we want to continue that.”

Sullivan has his own ties to Native communities. He’s won the backing of several federation leaders in their personal capacities. His wife, Julie Fate Sullivan, is Koyukon Athabascan and hails from an influential family.

A spokesperson for Sullivan said the senator believes mail ballots cast by or on Election Day — even if they are received afterward — should be counted.

“Senator Sullivan has a record dating back to his time as Alaska’s Attorney General of defending voting rights for Alaskans, particularly in rural and Alaska Native communities. He believes that every eligible vote cast before or on Election Day should be counted,” Sullivan spokesperson Amanda Coyne said in a statement. “He also applauds Alaska Attorney General Stephen Cox for filing an amicus brief in this case, highlighting Alaska’s unique challenges and geography.”

Art Hackney, a veteran GOP operative who is running an outside group backing Sullivan’s reelection bid, said voters would adjust to potentially having to mail their ballots earlier. And he suggested the effect on the Senate race would be negligible.

“It’s just a matter of figuring out how to deal with it,” Hackney said. “The percentage impact, I think you can toss a coin — a few this way, a few that way. They’re both going to be fighting for [Native and rural] votes.”

But Democrats, who see Alaska as a possible linchpin to their hopes of retaking the Senate, say the restrictions could hurt Peltola on her home turf — potentially imperiling their broader midterms strategy.

They argue that Alaska has already taken steps to tighten voting rules, pointing to the sweeping and bipartisan elections overhaul bill lawmakers sent to GOP Gov. Mike Dunleavy last month that would update voter rolls, create a ballot-tracking system and establish a ballot-curing process.

“These efforts do one thing and one thing only: disenfranchise people who live in rural parts of Alaska,” said Jim Lottsfeldt, a longtime Democratic strategist in the state who is not involved in the Senate race. “You could make the argument that these sort of things hurt Peltola, because as the first Native woman to be elected to statewide office, she obviously has the support of Alaska Natives. That’s a core constituency.”

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Vance says no headway in ceasefire talks: ‘I think that’s bad news for Iran’

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Vance says no headway in ceasefire talks: ‘I think that’s bad news for Iran’

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China preparing delivery of new air defense systems to Iran, report says

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