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The Dictatorship

The wreckage Pam Bondi leaves behind

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In a remarkably short tenure as attorney general, Pam Bondi helped drag one of the country’s most respected institutions deeper into grievance, spectacle and political retaliation.

Even that was not enough for Donald Trump.

Bondi’s ouster on Thursday says something important about what happened to the Justice Department on her watch. Pressure behind her removal was driven not only by her handling of the Epstein filesbut also reportedly by the view that she had not moved aggressively enough against Trump’s political adversaries. Her immediate replacement is Todd Blanche, Trump’s former personal defense lawyer who had been deputy attorney general.

For generations, the Department of Justice stood for something larger than politics. Bondi helped replace that culture with something smaller and more cynical.

Bondi’s tenure was brief but revealing. For generations, the Department of Justice stood for something larger than politics: rigor, discipline, restraint and the idea that immense state power should be exercised by people trying — however imperfectly — to get things right. Bondi helped replace that culture with something smaller and more cynical: a department in which grievance became mission, public performance displaced internal rigor and loyalty to the president eclipsed loyalty to the institution.

The corrosion began at the level of tone and expectation. Bondi did not arrive sounding like someone who believed she was inheriting an institution whose independence needed protecting. She talked about rooting out internal opponentsembraced Trump’s rhetoric of “weaponization” and responded to allegations of politicized law enforcement with more politicized law enforcement. What was packaged as a campaign to restore integrity looked, from the start, like an effort to revisit Trump’s resentments about prosecutors, investigators and public officials he regarded as enemies.

Then came the institutional consequences. Career officials were firedreassigned or otherwise pushed out. Internal safeguards were weakened. The Public Integrity Sectionthe post-Watergate unit designed to prevent politicized corruption prosecutions, was stripped of authority and downsized sharply.

In the Civil Rights Division, the exodus was staggering. Lawyers left in extraordinary numbers amid complaints that staff were being pushed to fit facts to predetermined political outcomes. One of the Justice Department’s most respected units was treated as expendable because its traditional mission did not align neatly enough with the Trump administration’s political project.

The Eric Adams episode captured the rot in one grotesque burst. Federal prosecutors in Manhattan were directed to drop the corruption case against New York’s then-mayor. What followed was not quiet compliance, but principled resignations. U.S. Attorney Danielle Sassoon’s resignation letter made clear this was not a routine disagreement over charging strategy. She described a meeting in which lawyers for Adams advanced what looked very much like a quid pro quo: leniency for federal crimes in exchange for political cooperation with administration priorities. Other prosecutors resigned rather than participate.

The scandal was not just that a case might be dropped. It was that the federal criminal process appeared to be getting bargained around politics. Once it looks as though the Justice Department is on board with trading law enforcement for political usefulness, the concept of neutral justice stops sounding noble and starts sounding delusional.

Meanwhile, the department normalized a menacingly selective posture toward Trump’s enemies. Under Bondi, the Justice Department indicted former FBI Director James Comey and New York Attorney General Letitia James; it has investigated former CIA Director John Brennan and Sen. Adam SchiffD-Calif.; and pursued Federal Reserve governor Lisa Cook and Fed Chair Jerome Powell. The home of former Trump national security adviser John Bolton was searched. Maybe any of those events, in isolation, could be defended as legitimate. But the Justice Department has long understood that the public handling of such inquiries matters almost as much as the legal basis for them. A department serious about preserving public trust does not advertise probes of political antagonists or flirt with humiliation as a tactic. That is how prosecutorial power starts to look more like political theater with subpoena power.

And then there is the Jeffrey Epstein scandal. Bondi fueled a public frenzy last year by saying the Epstein “client list” was “sitting on my desk right now to review.” When the promised reckoning failed to materialize, the backlash was bipartisan and rightfully intense. This was not just a communications blunder. It was the nation’s highest law enforcement official behaving like a cable-news teaser about one of the country’s most sensitive set of records.

And that was not the worst of it. The more serious scandal was her department’s handling of the Epstein files. The release has drawn fierce criticism of inadequate or overzealous redactions and disclosures that exposed or risked exposing victims’ identities and other sensitive information. While testifying before Congress in February, Bondi refused to apologize directly to Epstein’s victims for the department’s mishandling of their information. In one of the most sensitive document productions imaginable, her DOJ managed to fail in the most shameful direction: not by finally exposing the powerful but by once again endangering the vulnerable.

A Justice Department that cannot protect sex-trafficking victims while promising transparency undermines its own credibility.

The backdrop to all this cannot be forgotten. If Bondi were being removed because she had disgraced the department, the next steps would look like repair: less spectacle, more restraint; less loyalty theater, more institutional humility. But everything about this moment suggests the opposite. Bondi helped corrode the Justice Department’s credibility, strip away its norms, hollow out internal safeguards and degrade some of its most respected divisions. Ultimately, she helped teach the public to see federal prosecution as just another front in the culture wars. And still, she was apparently not radical enough for the president she served.

The problem is not just how long the damage Bondi leaves behind will last. It’s that her removal does not mark a return to principle but suggests that even this level of degradation was merely a starting point.

Duncan Levin is a criminal defense attorney and former federal prosecutor who serves as a Lecturer on Law at Harvard Law School and is a frequent contributor to MS NOW.

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The Dictatorship

Judge rejects DOJ push to resurrect Powell probe

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Judge rejects DOJ push to resurrect Powell probe

A federal judge on Friday denied the Trump administration’s bid to revive the defunct subpoenas targeting Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell, another blow to the Justice Department’s ability to execute President Donald Trump’s demands.

The subpoenas sought records from a $2.5 billion renovation project at the Fed’s headquarters in Washington. The investigation alleged Powell knowingly misled Congress about the project’s cost. The accusation became central to Trump’s public smear campaign against Powellwhom he appointed to the top Fed position in his first term.

Powell’s lawyers fought the subpoenas, and the Fed chief publicly argued the investigation was motivated by his refusal to succumb to Trump’s pressure campaign on the central bank to slash interest rates, which the president said will boost the U.S. economy.

In his orderChief Judge James E. Boasberg of U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia wrote, “The Government’s arguments do not come close to convincing the Court that a different outcome is warranted.” He rejected the DOJ’s motion to reconsider his March 13 decision to quash the investigation.

Boasberg wrote in his March 13 decision that “a mountain of evidence” suggested that “the Government served these subpoenas on the [Federal Reserve] Board to pressure its Chair into voting for lower interest rates or resigning.” The judge threw out the subpoenas, but the DOJ quickly filed a motion to reconsider.

On Friday, Boasberg ruled the DOJ’s motion “ignores the fact that its total lack of a good-faith basis to suspect a crime is relevant to the second, separate question of the subpoenas’ true purpose.”

The federal government can formally appeal Boasberg’s decision, which could complicate the confirmation process for  Kevin WarshTrump’s pick to lead the central bank after Powell’s term as Fed chair ends next month.

Powell was joined by every living former Fed chair in denouncing the probe as an act of partisanship against the leader of an institution designed to be insulated from political pressure.

Two Republicans on the Senate Banking Committee, Sens. Thom Tillis of North Carolina and Kevin Cramer of North Dakota, expressed deep concern over the investigation. Sen. Lisa  Murkowski, R-Ala., called the probe “an attempt at coercion,” in a post on X in January.

Tillis is a key vote on the banking committee, which handles confirmation hearings for Fed appointees and has a narrow 13-11 Republican majority. He has vowed not to support Trump’s pick for Fed chair as long as Powell is under criminal investigation.

Sydney Carruth is a breaking news reporter covering national politics and policy for MS NOW. You can send her tips from a non-work device on Signal at SydneyCarruth.46 or follow her work on X and Bluesky.

Fallon Gallagher is a legal affairs reporter for MS NOW.

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The Dictatorship

Friday’s Mini-Report, 4.3.26

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Friday’s Mini-Report, 4.3.26

Today’s edition of quick hits.

* Iran’s military assets still matter: “An American fighter jet carrying two crew members was shot down today by Iranian forces, a U.S. official told MS NOW. The military has rescued a pilot of the F-15E, and a search is underway for the second crew member, two officials said.”

* In related news: “A second U.S. military plane involved in the U.S. war with Iran crashed on Friday, a U.S. official with knowledge of the matter told MS NOW. The plane’s pilot was safely rescued by American forces after it went down near the Strait of Hormuz. The crash was first reported by The New York Times. It was not clear if the plane, an A-10 Warthog, was shot down or crashed due to mechanical failure, the U.S. official said.”

* Crisis conditions in Lebanon: “The U.S. Embassy in Lebanon issued an alert Friday to U.S. citizens to ‘Leave Lebanon NOW,’ urging them to depart ‘while commercial flight options remain available.’ The alert said if people choose not to leave, they should ‘prepare contingency plans’ in case ‘the situation deteriorate further.’”

* A probe worth watching: “An expansive inquiry by the Department of Homeland Security’s inspector general into the handling of contracts under the agency’s former secretary, Kristi Noem, is scrutinizing her senior adviser Corey Lewandowski’s interactions with companies seeking federal business, according to multiple people familiar with the investigation.”

* The obvious call: “A federal judge on Friday reaffirmed his decision to block subpoenas from the Justice Department to the Federal Reserve on the grounds that the probe appears to be driven by a political vendetta, setting the stage for an appeal by the Trump administration.”

* Hegseth ice”https://apnews.com/article/pentagon-policy-guns-military-bases-hegseth-09cdd079f8ac28aa72b2349859e2f54e”>full of ideas: “Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said Thursday that he will allow service members to carry personal weapons onto military installations, citing the Second Amendment and recent shootings at bases across the country.”

* In light of the occasional rumors about his possible retirement, this seems notable: “Supreme Court Justice Samuel Alito became ill during an event in Philadelphia on the evening of March 20, a spokesperson for the high court said Friday. … Alito, 76, underwent an examination and received fluids for dehydration, the spokesperson said, adding he returned home that night, which was previously planned.”

Have a safe weekend.

Steve Benen is a producer for “The Rachel Maddow Show,” the editor of MaddowBlog and an MS NOW political contributor. He’s also the bestselling author of “Ministry of Truth: Democracy, Reality, and the Republicans’ War on the Recent Past.”

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Trump’s military spending bonanza has Republicans overlooking the debt

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Trump’s military spending bonanza has Republicans overlooking the debt

The White House released a massive defense budget on Friday that would be historic if passed, as lawmakers and voters continue to express concerns about whether the month-long U.S. military operation against Iran could be more extensive than President Donald Trump has previously suggested.

The $1.5 trillion figure drew quick praise from Republican defense hawks, even as the plan relies on optimistic economic projections, calls for a 10% cut to domestic programs and comes amid an ongoing military campaign in Iran that administration officials say could end in a matter of weeks — though the question of whether ground troops will be deployed remains unresolved.

The budget faces steep odds in the Senate, where Democrats’ support is required for most agency-level spending proposals to clear the 60-vote threshold. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., said Democrats will “fight this budget, tooth and nail.” That opposition puts even more weight on Trump’s push for a GOP-only pot of funds through budget reconciliation.

Trump asked Congress for a 42% increase in the defense budget, relying on a two-track approach that could cause congressional leaders heartburn. The president has previously floated making a supplemental funding request to Congress specifically for the war in Iran, but it has not yet been put forward.

Nearly $1.2 trillion would come from the regular appropriations process, while $350 billion would come through a budget reconciliation bill designed to bypass a Democratic filibuster. Even factoring in proposed cuts to medical research, environmental programs, Trump’s planned privatization of the Transportation Security Administration, and other domestic cuts panned by Democrats, Trump’s budget would increase federal spending by $288 billion.

The document makes no mention of the expected debt or annual deficit — data that was regularly published in previous presidents’ budget plans.

The document makes no mention of the expected debt or annual deficit — data that was regularly published in previous presidents’ budget plans. An Office of Management and Budget spokesperson confirmed the omission as well as the absence of data on expected mandatory spending on programs including Social Security and Medicare, which the administration said it plans to publish later in 2026.

Throughout his 2024 campaign and the first year of his second term, Trump promised to reduce the national debt and deficit through spending cuts, tariffs and investments. According to the Treasury Department’s most recent data, the national debt currently is $39 trillion and the deficit at $1.8 trillion.

Still, hawkish Republican lawmakers showered the plan with praise on Friday.

“President Trump’s budget is truly historic when it comes to defense spending,” Senate Budget Chairman Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., said in a statement. Graham is expected to be a key architect of any upcoming reconciliation bill. “It is the most robust increase in defense spending in many years, and it is more than justified by the threats we face throughout the world.”

Sen. Roger Wicker, R-Miss., and Rep. Mike Rogers, R-Ala., the chairs of the Senate and House Armed Services Committees, pledged in a joint statement to “pass this budget into law,” saying the military boost would “drive the U.S. toward a defense budget of 5% of GDP — a benchmark we have long supported as necessary to maintain our national defense.”

The reconciliation pitch is logistically challenging. Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., told reporters Thursday any additional reconciliation work would be “hard and cumbersome” following the months of painstaking negotiations required to pass last year’s Republican tax-and-spending bill.

Trump’s budget also envisions deep reductions after the proposed 2027 surge: The defense budget would drop by 15% in 2028 and would freeze at less than $1.4 trillion in subsequent years. Over the longer term, the proposal calls for a decrease in military spending as a share of the economy, dropping it to 2.6% of GDP in 2036.

Trump’s economic projections are notably optimistic. The budget assumes an annual inflation-adjusted “real GDP growth” rate of 2.9% indefinitely — more than a full percentage point higher than the 1.8% long-term forecast from the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office.

Amid ongoing battles in Congress over funding for the Department of Homeland Security, the budget proposal notes that the Working Families Tax Cut Act delivered more than $190 billion for border security and immigration enforcement programs over five years, including $10 billion for Immigration and Customs Enforcement and $18.5 billion for Customs and Border Protection. Trump nonetheless requested an additional $63 billion in discretionary budget authority for the DHS for 2027 — a 3.3% decrease from the level in the 2026 continuing resolution.

The proposal calls for a wide range of other cuts and program eliminations. It directs Congress to begin “the process of privatizing” airport security screening at the TSA, projecting $52 million in savings, and cuts $1.3 billion in non-disaster grant programs at FEMA, an agency Trump has repeatedly derided as “expensive.”

The Cybersecurity Infrastructure Security Agency would see a $707 million cut. The budget plan criticizes the agency’s work that “focused on so-called misinformation and propaganda.”

NASA would face a 23% budget cut, including the elimination of the Mars Sample Return mission.

Health programs would take broad hits. The Department of Health and Human Services would see a 12.5% reduction from the prior year, including a $5 billion cut to the National Institutes of Health, a $4 billion reduction to the Low Income Home Energy Assistance Program and an $819 million cut to the Unaccompanied Alien Children program.

Trump’s economic projections are notably optimistic. The budget assumes an annual inflation-adjusted “real GDP growth” rate of 2.9% indefinitely.

The Environmental Protection Agency’s annual budget would be cut in half, with reductions to state grants and Superfund cleanup programs, among others.

The National Park Service would receive $2.5 billion in overall budgetary resources, a $739 million — or 23% — cut from last year.

Foreign aid would face continued reductions, building on the 2025 DOGE campaign that shuttered the United States Agency for International Development. The budget proposes eliminating funding for Food for Peace grants and the National Endowment for Democracy.

The proposal would also eliminate several Department of Housing and Urban Development programs that provide assistance to low-income and marginalized communities, including the Community Development Block Grant, the Homeless Assistance Program and Native American programs.

Despite Trump’s pledge to dismantle the Education Department, the budget proposes a comparatively modest cut to the agency — $76.5 billion in discretionary authority, a 2.9% decrease from 2026. It seeks to restructure K-12 programs to reduce the federal role in education and would cut funding to colleges and universities by $2.7 billion, including programs serving minority-serving institutions.

The sweeping cuts to non-military programs will only deepen Democratic opposition. And nearly all of the budget — apart from the $350 billion reconciliation component — will require 60 Senate votes to advance.

“The vision President Trump has outlined for America in his budget is bleak and unacceptable,” Senate Appropriations Vice Chair Patty Murray, D-Wash., said in a statement. “President Trump wants to slash medical research to fund costly foreign wars. It doesn’t get more backward than that, and the only responsible thing to do with a budget this morally bankrupt is to toss it in the trash.”

Jack Fitzpatrick covers Congress for MS NOW. He previously reported for Bloomberg Government, Morning Consult and National Journal. He has bachelor’s and master’s degrees from Arizona State University.

Soorin Kim is a White House producer with MS NOW.

Akayla Gardner is a White House correspondent for MS NOW.

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