Politics
The Puerto Rican vote in Pennsylvania could have a powerful impact this election
The Thursday before Election Day, Vice President Kamala Harris’ presidential campaign dropped an ad appealing directly to Puerto Rican voters. Unlike a previous video released a day after Trump-supporting comedian Tony Hinchcliffe called Puerto Rico a “floating island of garbage,” this new video was a master class in how to pull at the heartstrings of Boricua identity and pride.
If there is one presidential campaign truth coming out of Sunday’s garbage joke, it’s that Puerto Ricans are fired up to vote in 2024.
The video, called “Somos más” (we are more), featured a Spanish-speaking narrator, with his very noticeable Puerto Rican accent, listing the many reasons why Puerto Rico and its people should never be disrespected. It was a rare moment when Democrats got their message right for Puerto Rican voters and their Latino allies.
Of course, the ad was not for Puerto Ricans living on the island. Being a colony means that Puerto Rico’s 3 million residents can’t vote for president even though they are American citizens. It’s complicated as to why, and with just days until Election Day, the Harris campaign was not about to have the uncomfortable yet necessary conversations about why Puerto Ricans continue to be ignored by both Republicans and Democrats. Colonialism has that effect.
No, this ad was all about the nearly 1 million Puerto Ricans who can vote in swing states, where they live. And if there is one presidential campaign truth coming out of Sunday’s garbage joke, it’s that Puerto Ricans are fired up to vote in 2024, and the Harris campaign is wise to make sure they do.
They could in fact be the next swing state power brokers, particularly in states like Pennsylvania, where more than 300,000 voters of Puerto Rican descent are eligible to vote. In 2020, Joe Biden won the state by around 81,000 votes. If the last week has significantly raised the Boricua desire to not vote for Trump and to vote for Harris, then the state will stay in the Democratic column.
According to The Center for Puerto Rican Studies at Hunter College, Florida residents of Puerto Rican descent represent 5.7% of the state. Ohio, North Carolina, and Wisconsin are at 1%. In Arizona, Puerto Ricans account for 0.9% of the state, with Nevada coming in at 0.8%. In these races where just thousands of votes will determine Electoral College winners, playing up the events of last week and raising awareness among Puerto Ricans have a real chance of making a difference for Harris.
Understandably, the Trump campaign is doing everything it can to diffuse that possibility. Biden’s response to the “garbage joke” could have given Trump a lifeline; at a Tuesday rally in Allentown, where the population is about 25% Puerto Rican, Trump insisted he “will deliver the best future for Puerto Ricans and for Hispanic Americans.” At the same event, Zoraida Buxó, a Republican Puerto Rican pro-statehood supporter and a “shadow senator” of the island’s current pro-statehood government, publicly supported Trump, saying, “We need this man back in the White House. We need this man to be our commander-in-chief. He will make us feel safe. And he will protect us.”
But Buxó’s Trump endorsement lacks the star power and influence of a number of prominent Puerto Rican celebrities who have publicly voiced their support for Harris, from Jennifer Lopez to Bad Bunny to Ricky Martin to Puerto Rican-Dominican reggaeton star Nicky Jam, who in September was all for Trump, but on Wednesday, took it all back.
“Never in my life did I think that just one month later a comedian would show up and criticize my country, and speak poorly of my country. And for that, I revoke any support for Donald Trump and I’m stepping aside from any kind of political situation. Puerto Rico is to be respected,” Jam posted on social media.
This sentiment is strongly echoed on the island itself, where people in Puerto Rico are fed up with their colonial status, as political anthropologist Yarimar Bonilla explains in her excellent New York Times opinion piece, in which she highlights how Puerto Rico’s younger generation “is determined to reclaim the island’s future.” Puerto Rico’s general election this year falls on the same day as the United States’s presidential election. History would be made if the island were to elect its first pro-independence governor, Juan Dalmau.
If Puerto Ricans in the diaspora mobilize and vote in record numbers, they will be issuing a declaration that they cannot be marginalized. Their message: Respect for Puerto Rico and its people is no longer optional.
As both Election Days approach, Puerto Rican voters in swing states can remain reactive to the predictable cycle of political neglect — or use this moment to signal their collective power. The Harris campaign’s recent ad is an acknowledgment of their potential, but it’s only the beginning. If Puerto Ricans in the diaspora mobilize and vote in record numbers, they will be issuing a declaration that they cannot be marginalized. Their message: Respect for Puerto Rico and its people is no longer optional.
Increased Puerto Rican electoral participation in the 2024 U.S. election could mean something even more significant than keeping Democrats in the White House. Despite the perceived tension between Boricuas in the diaspora and those who live in Puerto Rico, the reality is that stateside Puerto Ricans can flex their political power on Election Day to raise awareness of the ongoing injustice on the island caused by years of neglect from federal government disaster relief, inept power companies, a federally appointed fiscal control board supported by both Democrats and Republicans, and a desire for Boricua voices to be heard after the votes are cast.
Puerto Rican voters on Election Day can do just that.
Julio Ricardo Varela is an award-winning journalist and the founder of The Latino Newsletter.
Politics
Rick Jackson cannonballed into the governor race. It’s having ripple effects across Georgia.
HOMER, Georgia — The last few players of the day were finishing their rounds at the Chimney Oaks Golf Club when a steady wind picked up by the practice putting green. Pin flags bent to a near snap. A sleek helicopter slowly descended onto the manicured lawn.
Rick Jackson had arrived.
The billionaire health care executive turned GOP gubernatorial candidate was making his grand entrance as a headliner for a recent event hosted by the Banks County Republican Party. In many ways, it mimicked the same disruptive force with which he entered the race two months earlier: loud, ostentatious and out of nowhere.
He rose from being a virtually unknown contender to a frontrunner in the polls by spending $50 million of his own money to flood the airwaves, social media and mailboxes with ads — nearly double the amount of all the candidates in both primaries for governor combined, according to an AdImpact analysis. He’s cutting into Trump-backed Lt. Gov. Burt Jones’ margins with ultra-conservative voters and he’s complicating Secretary of State Brad Raffensberger’s path to making the June run-off.

An already crowded race has become all about Jackson.
“Anytime you’ve got somebody spending $100 million on TV and mailers and everything else, obviously you’re forced to talk about him,” Jones said in an interview with Blue Light News.
As Jackson has upended the governor’s race, he’s also taking up so much of voters’ attention that Georgia Republicans in other races are worried about their own chances of breaking through.
Voters and strategists alike say they just can’t avoid Jackson’s presence anywhere, not even at home. His media blitz is alarming fellow Republicans, half a dozen of whom told Blue Light News that Jackson is endangering Republicans in down ballot races — and a critical Senate contest — that will likely be decided by razor-thin margins.
“Down the ballot, it’s going to be extremely difficult for candidates for the other constitutional offices to get any kind of media attention, which creates a scenario where many of these races are essentially crapshoots,” said Spiro Amburn, a longtime Georgia Republican strategist and statehouse official who is neutral in the race.

A Georgia-based Republican operative involved with the governor’s race suggested that Jackson is partly the reason for the GOP’s messy Senate primary because the candidates are struggling to “get traction” and make headway with paid media. Another GOP strategist said Jackson’s spending, particularly in a primary, has far surpassed any precedent: “I watched 30 minutes of TV the other day and had six Rick Jackson ads. It’s just on a different level.”
“He’s sucked up so much oxygen that it’s really hard for any other Republican to operate right now,” said a third GOP strategist involved in races up and down the ballot in the state.
Jackson, in an interview, said he had not considered how his spending might be affecting other races and said he’d ultimately help them across the finish line when he’s the GOP nominee.
“Anytime you have a lot of money on TV, it’s going to raise the bar for everybody. Unfortunately, it’s just a necessity,” he said unapologetically. Speaking with Blue Light News after the Banks County event last week, Jackson shrugged off any concerns about his money and said he will do “whatever it takes” to win.
“When I win, that’s when I’m done,” he added.
Rick Jackson’s money vs. Burt Jones’ Trump endorsement
Perhaps the biggest target in the face of Jackson’s onslaught is Jones, who used to lead the governor’s race by most standards. He now finds himself neck and neck with the billionaire in recent polling, as Jackson sells himself as another Trump-aligned candidate — even though he and the president don’t have much of a close, personal relationship.
“He’s not portraying himself as what he really is,” Jones told Blue Light News. “He’s not this hard-nosed conservative guy. He is somebody who’s dependent on state and federal contracts to make his living, and he’s trying to make himself out to be some outsider and doesn’t know how the political process works.”
Other Jones allies have been leaning hard into attacking Jackson as a big-spending outsider. At a fish fry last week in rural Atkinson County, state Rep. James Burchette encouraged voters to question why a candidate would spend so much money to “take control of the state of Georgia.” Sen. Russ Goodman warned that “all this stuff that you see in the mailbox — it’s nothing but a bunch of lies.”
But even with Jackson’s big-spending approach, Trump’s stamp of approval still holds immeasurable power with the MAGA base.
The president has reaffirmed his support for Jones: “All these guys are coming in now loaded up with some money. Who the hell knows how much money he’s got? But Burt Jones has been here and been with you and been with me right from the beginning,” the president said at an event in Rome, Georgia in February.
Parked outside the fish fry, Jones’ campaign bus was emblazoned with that reminder: “Trump Endorsed.”

Jackson is betting on voters like Bruce Brooker, a 72-year-old farmer from Atkinson County: intrigued by Jackson, but ultimately sticking with the lieutenant governor out of loyalty to the president.
“I would probably vote for [Jackson] if Trump had not endorsed Burt,” he said. “I like the fact that he started with nothing and crawled and climbed through like any. He knows what hard work is. I’m not being critical of him. I admire him.”
Jackson, meanwhile, is trying to prove his MAGA credentials to Georgia Republicans to siphon off enough of Jones’ voters to win. Over in Homer, where Jackson was addressing a crowd of about 200 voters at the country club, attendees peppered him with questions about his relationship with Trump.


One man in the crowd asked Jackson to explain why he had donated to former Rep. Liz Cheney (R-Wyo.) — a longtime Trump critic who voted to impeach the president during his first term. Another questioned why he had only donated to the president after the 2024 election.
“Just like JD Vance and Marco Rubio, I will admit I was late to the Trump Train. There’s no question about it,” Jackson responded. “But I gave a million dollars to him. That’s not an insignificant concept of supporting somebody.”
The non-MAGA candidates say they have an opening
Others in the governor’s race who are less interested in wooing the MAGA masses — including Raffensperger, who has rebuked efforts to overturn the 2020 election, and Attorney General Chris Carr — are not as concerned about Jackson undercutting their campaigns.
Carr campaign spokesperson Julia Mazzone said in a statement that Jackson’s entry into the race “devastates Burt Jones’ campaign, but it does not change the fundamentals for us.” The attorney general has a long-shot chance of advancing out of the primary, however, as polls show him in a single-digit fourth place.
A March 30 memo penned by Raffensberger’s campaign manager and obtained by Blue Light News claimed that the Jackson-Jones cagefight has created an opening for other candidates to lead on policy substance. The secretary has avoided injecting himself into the MAGA mêlée, instead keeping his profile comparatively low as he travels the state to speak with voters.

“I have my own lane, and I feel good where we are,” Raffensberger said in an interview. “We travel all over the state, reaching voters, talking to people, making sure that people understand my message is about making sure we keep Georgia affordable and safe, and I’m best positioned to do that at the end of the day.”
After all, Raffensperger has a history of overcoming Trump-backed challengers and cruising to a general election victory.
“I’m going to be in the runoff,” he added, deflecting any and all concerns with finality.
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