Congress
Senate GOP eyes data center vote next week
Senate Republicans are discussing whether to call up a data center utility costs bill as they make plans to stay in Washington next week rather than beat an early exit before the midterms.
Two GOP aides who spoke on the condition of anonymity said the Senate will remain in town amid pressure from some corners of the party to send members home early to campaign.
Asked if the Senate will stay next week, Majority Leader John Thune said Thursday it’s “looking that way.”
While some lawmakers had hoped to move a long-brewing bipartisan energy permitting deal, those hopes have evaporated, and GOP leaders are instead eyeing votes on the Ratepayer Protection Act — a top priority of endangered Ohio Sen. Jon Husted.
Thune said Thursday moving to the data-center-focused bill next week “is an option.” The Senate is also expected to take up a Democratic resolution condemning the Iran war and several presidential nominations.
The Ratepayer Protection Act easily passed the House earlier this month, but some Senate Democrats are arguing it does not go far enough and party leaders could be motivated to deny Husted a pre-election win.
Josh Siegel contributed to this report.
A bipartisan group of senators failed to close a long-sought deal on legislation to ease permitting approvals for energy projects, kicking consideration of the issue until after the midterm elections.
A senior Democrat aide familiar with the negotiations and granted anonymity to discuss the matter told Blue Light News on Thursday that Senate Democrats don’t think there’s enough time to get it done.
“The goal here has always been to pass permitting reform, not just to introduce it,” the aide said.
Top negotiators — Environment and Public Works Chair Shelley Moore Capito (R-W.Va.) and ranking member Sheldon Whitehouse (D-R.I.), along with Energy and Natural Resources Chair Mike Lee and ranking member Martin Heinrich (D-N.M.) — were unable to reach agreement on a package this week, despite recent overtures made by both sides.
The lack of a deal now means a permitting bill likely won’t get a vote until after the elections, when lawmakers are expected to face a packed legislative agenda and the power dynamics in Congress will begin to shift.
Republicans and the Trump administration were eager to lock in a vote soon, arguing legislation to ease permitting approvals for energy projects would represent a major bipartisan breakthrough to address voters’ affordability concerns.
President Donald Trump even signaled he would ease his administration’s blockade on wind projects to entice Democrats to agree on a permitting deal.
But Democrats wanted more time for their members to review any bill and are seeking stronger assurances that the Trump administration would lay off its attacks on clean energy projects. They also did not face the same political incentives to act now, with Trump and Republicans struggling in the polls.
“I appreciate very much what the Trump administration has done to move in this direction, but in order to brief colleagues on what this really means, we need just a bit more clarity on exactly what return to regular order for wind and solar projects looks like. So that’s still to be done, but that I think can happen in fairly short order,” Whitehouse told reporters Thursday.
For all the common ground in both parties around encouraging more energy production and accelerating projects to help address affordability concerns and meet rising power demand, permitting also touches on thorny issues for congressional Republicans, Democrats and this White House.
Democrats are pressing for significant measures to boost interstate transmission lines to deliver clean power to major demand centers and restrain the administration’s power to cancel projects or stall on approvals.
Republicans, for their part, want to limit states’ authority to reject projects under a provision of the Clean Water Act that Democratic governors have used to block interstate pipelines.
Other elements of a deal would likely include easing approvals and limiting legal challenges against projects under the National Environmental Policy Act, a bedrock procedural environmental law that is increasingly blamed for stalling projects of all types, as well as under the National Historic Preservation Act, a landmark law designed to protect Native American cultural treasures.
Amelia Davidson contributed to this report.
An ugly fight is brewing among Democrats about an unlikely issue: college sports regulation.
Senate passage of a White House-endorsed bill to overhaul college athletic rules could happen as soon as Thursday. But despite the bill’s bipartisan backing, Black Democratic lawmakers are warning their own party that supporting the measure risks exploiting Black athletes.
The debate spotlights a painful party divide that could also alienate a key demographic in Democrats’ voter base just weeks before the midterms.
“It is stunning to me,” Sen. Cory Booker told Blue Light News Wednesday, pointing out about half of Senate Democrats have voted to advance the measure thus far.
“I am disappointed in a way I’ve never felt before in the United States Senate with my own caucus,” he said, referring to Democrats. “My caucus, some members of my caucus, are about to take away the rights for athletes to sue.”
Booker is backed by the Congressional Black Caucus, which for months has also pleaded with senators not to pass the Protect College Sports Act they argue strips the rights of student athletes while protecting the NCAA and its coaches. The group helped sink a similar measure in the House earlier this year. CBC member and House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries reiterated the group’s opposition to the legislation Wednesday.
“This is insane to me, especially because the revenue sports are disproportionately African American,” he said. “When has the Democratic Party stood up for taking away rights from disadvantaged minorities? When have we ever done what we’re about to do right now? It is wrong. It is unjust, and it will disproportionately affect African Americans.”
While a host of student and college groups, including the Thurgood Marshall College Fund and the United Negro College Fund, support the bill, both the AFL-CIO and the NAACP say they oppose it for denying student athletes labor protections and unduly benefiting athletic conferences.
Another vocal opponent of the measure, Sen. Chris Murphy, called the divide “a unique moment for Democrats.”
Top Commerce Democrat and bill sponsor Maria Cantwell has said the legislation attempts to restore order to college sports, where major football programs can consume resources that would have otherwise gone to women’s and Olympic sports.
Cantwell, in an interview, countered Booker’s concerns by saying the “historic bill…recognizes for the first time in federal law that student athletes get a percentage of the revenue, ticket sales, media rights, media sales, and sponsorship. Historic.”
A Democratic aide, who is supportive of the bill and was granted anonymity to speak candidly, referenced the number of student athletes who stand to benefit from the measure, “There’s nothing progressive about blocking new protections for 550,000 people just so you can strengthen the hand of the highest-earning 1% of them.”
Booker said without major changes, he would continue the fight if the Senate’s bill makes it to the House.
What else we’re watching:
— THUNE PUTS ODDS ON STAYING IN SESSION: Majority Leader John Thune said Wednesday night it’s more likely than not that senators remain in session next week, but the plan is “still to be determined.” “Just don’t make any plans yet. I would say right now still odds are we plan on being here next week, and I’d say that still looks like the case, but if that changes I’ll let you know,” Thune said. Senate Republicans are discussing whether to vote on a data center bill next week being championed by one of their most vulnerable incumbents, Sen. Jon Husted, according to two GOP senators granted anonymity to disclose private talks. They’re also waiting to see if a long-sought deal to overhaul the energy permitting process comes together, which Thune has indicated would trigger members staying in town next week.
— INSIDE THE FIERCE HOUSE GOP WAIVER FIGHT: A behind-the-scenes battle is playing out over several powerful House Republicans who don’t want to be forced out of their posts. House Republicans’ decades old three-term limit for panel leaders has grown less strict in recent years. Some want a crackdown, saying the turnover is needed to promote fresh ideas and leadership in the ranks. Three of the 20 sitting House chairs have signaled interest in applying for a waiver. If each follows through, it would be the first time so many exceptions have been sought at once.
Jordain Carney and Mia McCarthy contributed to this report.
Republicans appear increasingly anxious that the economic fallout from the Iran war could cost them their House and Senate majorities. They have one more chance to stage a symbolic jailbreak — and it’s not clear enough of them are ready to take the leap.
The Senate will vote as soon as Thursday on another measure aimed at halting the war, giving Democrats likely their final opportunity to put their GOP colleagues on the record before leaving town until after the midterms.
At least four Republicans are expected to support the Democratic-led effort: Sens. Susan Collins of Maine, Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, Rand Paul of Kentucky and Thom Tillis of North Carolina. With Sen. John Fetterman (D-Pa.) expected to vote against reining in Trump’s military authority in the Middle East, Democrats need one more Republican to break ranks, presuming there is full attendance on both sides of the aisle.
That puts the Senate on the brink of a final pre-election rebuke of President Donald Trump’s approach to the overseas conflict that has contributed to the skyrocketing fuel prices plaguing GOP candidates on the campaign trail — and the first time since this summer that a Democrat-driven war powers resolution has been successful in the chamber.
Retiring Sen. Bill Cassidy (R-La.), a potential fifth GOP vote, said Wednesday he was undecided on whether or not to support the effort.
“I have spoken with people in the administration,” Cassidy said in an interview about outreach he’s gotten as he weighs his vote. “I think we all know that it’s a difficult situation — and so again, everybody wants ‘is it yes, or it is no’ and that’s not the case, so I’ll just leave it at that.”
GOP leaders have been closely watching members to see if Democrats will pick up additional votes.
“We’re constantly, of course, checking,” Senate Majority Leader John Thune said when asked about the possibility of more Republicans voting for the resolution. “But I would hope that the team could hang together on this.”
In a positive sign for Thune and the White House, not every Republican who is now actively distancing themselves from the war in Iran, or publicly kvetching about high energy prices, is expected to cross party lines on the war powers vote. But it’s exposing the complicated dynamics inherent in splitting from Trump, even for incumbents running in competitive races where the issue could cost them their seats.
The resolution, unlike many of the others the Senate has voted on since the conflict began nearly eight months ago, is non-binding, meaning it won’t go to Trump for his signature. Yet Republicans know that isn’t likely to stop it from sparking Trump’s wrath, after the president privately fumed about the intra-party defections on war powers resolutions during a closed-door lunch with Senate Republicans earlier this year.
Sen. Jon Husted (R-Ohio), who said in an interview Tuesday that “the war needs to come to an end as quickly as possible so that we can lower gas prices,” has said he won’t support the Democratic-led war powers resolution. He’s in a tight race against former Democratic Sen. Sherrod Brown.
Sen. Dan Sullivan (R-Alaska), who is also running in a tough reelection campaign, just this week proposed a temporary ban on diesel imports for the length of the Iran conflict — which some Republicans but not all argue would bring down costs. But a spokesperson didn’t respond to a request for comment Wednesday regarding how the senator planned to vote on the war powers resolution.
Sullivan also declined to comment as he was walking through the Capitol Wednesday evening, saying that he was “in a meeting.”
Sen. John Curtis (R-Utah), who named high gas prices as one of his lows last week in a social media video, is also expected to oppose the resolution believing an abrupt end to the war could spark national security concerns, according to an aide. He is not up for reelection for another four years.
Thune acknowledged the political crunch when asked Wednesday about some GOP candidates who are distancing themselves from Trump on both the war and rising energy costs.
“If I’m running in an environment like this, obviously you’re going to develop a campaign and a message that can win in your state,” Thune told reporters. “And so I encourage most candidates to run their own campaigns.
Asked if there was voter fatigue with the war, he added: “There’s voter fatigue with high gas prices. … It’s an economic frustration, and that’s why, again, I hope the administration is laser-focused on trying to get the strait open, get the shipping lanes opened up and help out with that global energy supply, because that ultimately will bring prices down.”
However, the Senate’s vote comes as Republicans are signaling alarm that the Iran war and the associated spike in energy and gas prices could hurt their candidates, even in typically red states that Trump carried in 2024.
Former Rep. Mike Rogers — who is trying to flip retiring Democratic Sen. Gary Peters’ seat in Michigan — and Rep. Ashley Hinson — who is trying to succeed departing GOP Sen. Joni Ernst in Iowa — have both called in recent days for the Iran war to end. Rep. John James, the Republican candidate for governor of Michigan, has also endorsed an end to the war.
Iowa Reps. Mariannette Miller-Meeks and Zach Nunn also voted last week for a resolution in the House to end the Iran conflict. Asked about the shift in stance among fellow Iowa Republicans, Ernst told reporters that they are in “tough elections.” “I would like the administration to come back with a very clear plan on how we bring this to an end,” Ernst added separately on Wednesday. “I do support the president, but this is really having an impact on everyday Americans.”
Ernst and other members of the Senate Armed Services Committee on Wednesday met with Adm. Brad Cooper, head of U.S. Central Command, for a classified briefing on the ongoing war against Iran. Lawmakers said the session included in-depth discussions about military readiness and munitions stockpiles, but not a concrete plan for when the conflict will be resolved.
“You all know about as much as I do on that,” Sen. Tommy Tuberville (R-Ala.) told reporters as he left the meeting. “They didn’t really offer anything on an ending.”
That has become a point of frustration even for GOP supporters of the war. Trump throughout the spring repeatedly predicted the fight would only last for a few more weeks, but he ditched those pledges as fighting continued through the summer.
Pressed if Republicans were ready to end the war in Iran, Thune said “everybody wants to see wars come to a conclusion” and that he believed the administration was working “aggressively to make that happen.”
Ernst said this week she wants “to have a clear understanding on how the administration is going to bring this to an end” — but also that she would “probably” keep voting against the war powers resolutions.
Leo Shane III contributed to this report.
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