Congress
Sanctuary city mayors struggle to counter GOP’s ‘pro-criminal’ attacks
Democratic mayors, summoned to Washington to answer for their handling of the immigration crisis, struggled on Wednesday to combat Republican allegations their cities are rife with violent crime and in need of rescuing by the GOP administration.
It was the culmination of months of relentless attacks by President Donald Trump and his allies, and it sets up further moves by the administration — including Vice President JD Vance’s trip to the southern border Wednesday afternoon — to keep Democrats in a defensive crouch on the issue.
Republicans on the House Oversight Committee grilled the chief executives of Boston, Chicago, Denver and New York City on the heels of Trump’s victory lap in his joint address to Congress Tuesday evening. There, he proclaimed that his administration had begun “the most sweeping border and immigration crackdown in American history.”
Mirroring the administration’s language, Republicans in Congress pulled out isolated incidents of violence by undocumented immigrants to make their case that cities with sanctuary status should open their jails to federal authorities — despite the mayors saying there’s no law requiring local authorities to coordinate with U.S. immigration officials.
“Sanctuary cities make us all less safe and are a public safety nightmare,” said House Oversight Chair James Comer (R-Ky.). “We cannot let pro-criminal alien policies [and] obstructionist sanctuary cities continue to endanger American communities and the safety of federal immigration enforcement officers.”
Democrats countered with nuanced, at times convoluted, legal arguments about where the authority, and responsibility, to deal with the immigration issue lies.
“The welcoming city ordinance is pretty straightforward — it allows for our local law enforcement to focus on local policies,” said Chicago Mayor Brandon Johnson, of his own city’s sanctuary city policies that protect undocumented residents.
Ultimately, the events of this week show how Democrats are writhing under the heavy boot of the GOP on immigration, a major electoral issue on which the left has had trouble gaining traction — even as the Trump administration has pursued unpopular efforts like ending birthright citizenship and allowing Immigration and Customs Enforcement to make arrests in schools and churches.
During Wednesday’s roughly six-hour hearing, Massachusetts Rep. Stephen Lynch, a Democrat, acknowledged that lawmakers were having a hard time coming up with comprehensive immigration policy given Congress’ responsibilities to regulate immigration and the cities’ own authorities.
“We’re struggling with this right now — there’s a tension between that authority of Congress to act under Article I of the Constitution, and then your responsibility, nobly taken, to provide a safe environment for the residents and visitors to your cities,” Lynch said to the mayors. “How do we reconcile? And I’m asking you for advice.”
The mayors had few, if any, answers. Instead, they punted it back to the Republican lawmakers, including by imploring Congress to pass a comprehensive immigration reform bill.
“Respectfully, congressman, you could pass bipartisan legislation and that would be comprehensive immigration law,” Boston Mayor Michelle Wu said in response to a line of questioning from Rep. Paul Gosar (R-Ariz.). “The false narrative is that immigrants in general are criminals, or immigrants in general cause all sorts of danger and harm. That is actually what is undermining safety in our communities.”

That plea is almost certain to fall on deaf ears in a Republican governing trifecta, where GOP lawmakers are more focused on reducing illegal immigration than on expanding pathways to citizenship.
The administration has its own immigration agenda, with Trump officials dialing up the pressure on Congress to fill resource gaps in the months ahead. The president said Tuesday night that he sent a detailed funding request to Congress and urged GOP leaders to move quickly as he vows to complete the “largest deportation operation in American history.”
Vance was in Eagle Pass, Texas, on Wednesday to survey the state of migrant apprehensions at the U.S.-Mexico border, where he sought to build momentum for the congressional funding ask as the administration’s ability to meet its deportation ambitions has been stymied by lack of resources.
“We didn’t need new laws to secure the border, we needed a new president, and thank God we have that,” said Vance, who was on the ground with Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth and Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard.
Back on Capitol Hill, Democrats throughout the hearing extolled the virtues of immigration. Mass deportations, Wu said, would be “devastating for our economy.”
At times, both the Democratic mayors and Democrats on the Oversight Committee tried to change the subject entirely. Wu, for instance, called on Congress to pass gun control legislation and to protect Medicaid, as Republicans are mulling cuts to the health care program.
Democratic Rep. Raja Krishnamoorthi, whose Illinois district is not far from Chicago, bemoaned the cost of eggs under the new Trump administration, saying it would soon be cheaper to buy a magazine for an assault rifle than breakfast.
Republicans, on the other hand, demanded the mayors account for violence that they argued was the result of lax immigration enforcement, drawing from emotionally charged and graphic examples.
Rep. Jim Jordan of Ohio pointed to the arrest of an alleged Venezuelan gang member charged with a number of crimes around the Denver area. Rep. Nancy Mace of South Carolina accused the mayors of having “blood” on their hands. And Rep. Clay Higgins spoke beside a photo of a young baby held by her parents, one of whom was killed by an undocumented immigrant in Texas.
“He’ll never be here to raise his daughter,” Higgins said, emphatically. “You mayors, you have responsibility not just to your communities and the citizens … but by extension to the entire Republic.”
Jordan pressed Denver Mayor Mike Johnston to answer specifically on the Denver case, which Jordan said culminated in the assault of an ICE official. Johnston said he had reviewed video of the incident and offered to sit down with ICE officials if there were procedures his city could change.
One mayor received a more friendly welcome by Republicans than the others: New York City Mayor Eric Adams, who has found himself allied with the Trump administration on its immigration agenda after the Department of Justice moved to drop the corruption case against him.
Comer thanked Adams for his cooperation with the administration on working with ICE, while Democrats accused him of entering into a quid pro quo with the administration in return for the dismissal of his criminal case — an allegation Adams vehemently denied.
But the much anticipated hearing, which was hyped with a movie-style trailer from the House Oversight Committee, failed to deliver the same kind of reverberations as the hearing with elite university presidents in late 2023 over allegations of antisemitic activity on their campuses.
House Republicans weren’t able to trip up mayors in the same way Rep. Elise Stefanik did when she questioned the college presidents about whether calling for the genocide of Jews would violate their schools’ codes of conduct.
Still, like many other Oversight Committee hearings in this Congress and the previous legislative session, tensions still at times boiled over into testy exchanges. Comer at one point threatened to remove Massachusetts Rep. Ayanna Pressley from the hearing, as she tried to read an article to enter materials into the Congressional record.
“This trend of you all trying to get thrown out of committees so you can get on BLN is gonna end,” Comer said. “We’re not gonna put up with it.”
Irie Sentner, Myah Ward, Emily Ngo and Kelly Garrity contributed to this report.
Congress
Gottheimer readies AI bill to vet powerful AI models for risk
Rep. Josh Gottheimer is preparing to introduce a bill mandating that some artificial intelligence companies submit their powerful new models to the government to screen for national security, critical infrastructure, cybersecurity and bioterror risks.
It comes as fear grips Washington over new AI models, such as Anthropic’s Claude Mythos, that could turbocharge existential risks posed by the emerging technology — such as enabling bad actors to engineer superviruses or create deadly bioweapons.
Gottheimer’s forthcoming legislation, details of which the New Jersey Democrat shared exclusively with Blue Light News, would run parallel to a bipartisan effort in the House to craft federal rules governing the technology, and comes as the White House considers a voluntary vetting regime for powerful new models.
Relatedly, the Trump administration decided on Friday to impose export controls on Anthropic’s latest models over national security concerns. Gottheimer told Blue Light News that threats identified from models such as Anthropic’s Mythos “highlighted how critically important it is that we have a mandatory process for the government to review advanced models”.
The coming proposal represents one of the most aggressive attempts yet by a key AI policymaker to mitigate potentially catastrophic risks posed by the fast-moving technology.
Gottheimer, a moderate self-styled dealmaker who has been eager to reach an agreement with Republicans on a national AI framework, currently co-chairs a new Democratic commission convened by House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries that’s been tasked with developing his party’s official AI policy agenda.
The commission swiftly blasted the discussion draft from Reps. Jay Obernolte (R-Calif.) and Lori Trahan (D-Mass.) unveiled in June, saying it failed “to meet the enormity of the moment.”
That bipartisan framework would override some state AI laws and require top developers to disclose the safety and security risks of their new models. It also would tap the Center for AI Standards and Innovation — an office within the Commerce Department’s National Institute of Standards and Technology — to support voluntary model evaluations.
Gottheimer added that his proposal is currently under review by the House Legislative Counsel, which ensures a policy is consistent with existing laws, and is speaking with both Democrats and Republicans to rally support.
Congress
Trump escalates his war on Senate Republicans — and senators are striking back
President Donald Trump is making life almost impossible for Senate Republicans — and these days fewer of them are willing to just let it slide.
Some lawmakers that were once happy to brush off impulsive and disruptive behavior by saying they hadn’t seen the president’s social media posts or that it was just “Trump being Trump” are increasingly willing to speak out against what they view as bad decisions that undermine their ability to deliver legislative wins as the midterms approach.
The latest irritation was the early-morning Truth Social post Wednesday that upended GOP hopes of quickly confirming a new director of national intelligence and reviving a surveillance bill that Trump already derailed earlier this month.
The chaos that followed Trump’s sudden U-turn on Jay Clayton’s nomination, just hours before a scheduled confirmation hearing, further loosened tongues in the Capitol hallways — even from lawmakers who tend to be reliable allies.
“The president’s timing and communication needs improvement,” Sen. Shelley Moore Capito (R-W.Va.) said. “I think it’s unfortunate. It throws a kicker into the system when we get going and then we have to readjust.”
Asked about frustration within the conference about the recent lack of coordination, Sen. John Kennedy (R-La.) added, “Well, duh.”
Kennedy added, “No, I don’t,” when asked if Trump takes senators into consideration: “He wants what he wants, and until he gets it, he just keeps pushing.”
The public frustrations are bubbling up at a crucial moment for Trump and Republicans more broadly. The president sent his wee-hours missive from France, where he was meeting with global leaders at the annual G7 conference and seeking to sell an Iran peace deal that many in his party despise.
Trump has faced recent pushback on several fronts in the Senate, with Republicans foiling plans to fund part of his White House ballroom project in a recent immigration funding deal and forcing the Justice Department to abandon plans for a $1.8 billion “Anti-Weaponization Fund” that could compensate Trump allies.
The president’s frequent demands that the Senate abandon its longstanding filibuster rule to pass more legislation along party lines, including a controversial elections overhaul, have also gone unheeded — adding to Trump’s obvious frustration.
He has now responded on several occasions by simply infuriating GOP senators who believe they are on the precipice of delivering a legislative win — only for Trump to suddenly pull the rug out from under them.
His announcement of the DOJ payout fund, for instance, delayed and nearly killed a critical immigration funding bill. And his decision to tap Bill Pulte, a close political ally who heads a housing agency, as acting director of national intelligence blew up a brewing three-year deal on reauthorizing a key piece of Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act.
Sen. Thom Tillis of North Carolina, who announced his retirement last year after breaking with Trump on policy legislation, said the dynamic is “undermining our ability to produce the very results he wants.”
“Look, we are not the manufacturing department of the Article II branch — we are the board of directors for the Article II branch,” he said. “You start treating us like that, coordinating with us like that, we won’t have these embarrassing setbacks.”
Trump’s decision to call off Clayton’s appearance before the Senate Intelligence Committee came as Republicans believed he was on track to be confirmed as soon as Thursday. That, they believed, would allow for an extension of the spy law — something administration officials had previously argued is crucial to protect Americans amid the World Cup and ongoing America 250 celebrations.
Instead, Clayton and the FISA reauthorization have become the latest tension point between Trump and the Senate, with the president again hammering Republicans for not passing the partisan elections bill known as the SAVE America Act, while also needling them about refusing to blow up the filibuster and the internal rules granting home-state senators deference on some presidential nominees.
Senate Majority Leader John Thune has expressed his own frustrations in a more understated way than others in the GOP ranks.
Normally chatty with reporters, Thune was unusually tight-lipped Wednesday, saying that Senate Republicans would have to figure out the path forward on Clayton and the surveillance law “one day at a time” and that his relationship with Trump was “fine” amid the public turmoil.
“The president has his own mind, makes his own decisions, so do we,” Thune said.
He later explained in an interview that the White House and Senate Republicans do a “fair amount of coordination.” “But sometimes you get surprised,” he added. “It’s a business model the White House employs, and we’ve had to figure out how to be adaptable.”
The White House said in a statement that Trump has worked closely with Senate Republicans on the party’s agenda over the past year, including last year’s $4.5 trillion tax cut and the immigration enforcement bill passed earlier this year.
“We look forward to continuing these close relationships and fulfilling President Trump’s priorities that Americans elected him to enact,” Abigail Jackson, a White House spokesperson, said in the statement.
Thune and Trump developed a good working relationship at the outset of the president’s second term, a turnaround from tensions that emerged in the period after Trump’s 2020 election loss that included him calling for a primary challenge to Thune in 2022. Several Senate Republicans praised Thune Wednesday for trying to keep the conference focused and said they didn’t believe Trump’s salvos were personal.
“Hating Thune would be like hating golden retrievers. You can’t dislike Thune. I don’t think the president dislikes him,” Kennedy said, while adding that Trump is fixated on the elections bill: “I just think he wants what he wants, and he continues to push. I just don’t think in this instance he’s likely to get it.”
Several other members identified the SAVE America Act as a persistent friction point despite GOP senators showing over and over again that the bill doesn’t have the votes to pass in the Senate. They are eager for Trump, and some of their own colleagues, to turn their focus from infighting to hammering Democrats heading into November.
Senate Republicans, according to two people granted anonymity to describe a private meeting, directly criticized Sen. Mike Lee (R-Utah) during a closed-door lunch Wednesday over setting unrealistic expectations about passing the bill.
Without naming Lee, Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas) took a jab afterward at those “making unrealistic promises and then when they’re not obtained, criticizing one another.”
Cornyn, who lost his bid for renomination to a fifth term this month after Trump endorsed his opponent, also acknowledged the president was the source of “some frustration” inside the Senate GOP around “basically being able to function.”
Congress
Pence-backed think tank joins push to keep kids’ safety bills out of AI package
More than a dozen groups including former Vice President Mike Pence’s Advancing American Freedom are urging Senate Commerce Committee leaders to reject efforts to attach kids’ online safety measures to a national artificial intelligence framework, according to a letter shared exclusively with Blue Light News.
The groups argue that the proposed measures could undermine users’ free speech rights while creating new risk to privacy and data security. Their push comes as lawmakers weigh broader AI legislation, and follows reports last week that Sen. Marsha Blackburn (R-Tenn.) is working with the White House to shore up support for a kids’ safety package that could ultimately preempt some state laws on AI.
The Blackburn-led measure is expected to include the Senate version of the Kids Online Safety Act, which includes a “duty of care” requiring companies to design their products with an eye toward preventing harm to children, the NO FAKES Act and the App Store Accountability Act. It’s not yet clear how aggressively it would preempt state action on narrow issues such as verifying users’ ages on social media.
Think tanks including the libertarian R Street Institute, the Taxpayers Protection Alliance, and industry group NetChoice, are among the 13 total signatories. They take issue primarily with ASAA, which would require app store platforms such as Google and Apple to verify users’ ages, and KOSA.
The coalition is alarmed by age verification requirements that could require users to submit personal information to digital databases vulnerable to data breaches and hacks. It also takes issue with parental consent provisions, which would “inevitably require even more intrusive data gathering to prove both the identity of the parent and his or her status as the child’s legal guardian,” the letter reads.
KOSA is also problematic, according to the coalition, because of its duty of care provision. It argues this would infringe on users’ First Amendment speech rights by “requiring online platforms to suppress certain kinds of content.”
Meta helped kill KOSA two years ago after raising similar free speech concerns with the bill to Speaker Mike Johnson, though it has since dropped its opposition because Blackburn’s package is expected to include language preempting state AI laws, as POLITICO exclusively reported Tuesday.
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