Congress
Republicans risk hard-liner revolt in latest gambit to avoid a shutdown
Should Republican leaders have to abandon their current plan to pass a government funding bill at “flat” levels, hard-liners warn that another fiscal framework is at risk: the budget to advance President Donald Trump’s “big, beautiful bill.”
Rep. Chip Roy, a member of the House Freedom Caucus, cautioned Tuesday that fiscal conservatives will demand changes to the budget measure Speaker Mike Johnson pushed through the House last week if Congress ends up clearing a government funding package with fresh, higher spending levels.
It’s a warning that comes 10 days until a government shutdown and amid stark disagreement among House and Senate Republicans about how to adopt a single budget resolution that would pave the way for a party-line package of tax cuts, energy policy, military funding and border security investments — the key pillars of Trump’s agenda.
With the government shutdown deadline looming ahead of March 14, Trump is personally lobbying House Republicans to support a “full-year” stopgap funding measure to keep the military and non-defense agencies running on static budgets through September. Since top Democrats are threatening to vote “no” on the plan, GOP leaders are likely to need nearly unanimous support on their side of the aisle for passage — an unprecedented feat in a chamber stocked with deficit hawks who have never voted on any flavor of funding bill in their time in Congress.
If that stopgap bill fails in either chamber, the risk of a government shutdown increases, and Republican leaders could be forced to instruct their negotiators to double down on talks with Democrats to land a bipartisan, bicameral appropriations package at new spending levels.
Roy, a Texas Republican, says the budget resolution setting the parameters for the bill Republicans want to pass through the budget reconciliation process will have to make up for it.
“If any of our guys think we’re going to bust through that, then we’ve got to go adjust the budget and find more mandatory savings,” Roy said.
Demands for more cuts to mandatory programs like Medicaid and SNAP food assistance would rile the moderate Republicans who were already wary of backing the minimum of $1.5 trillion in cuts prescribed under the budget framework. And to jumpstart the party-line process to enact Trump’s agenda, the House needs to vote on that measure again.
Technically, the two bills are wholly separate, but politically, they are inextricably linked.
To whip support for the budget framework last week, some Republican lawmakers claim that Johnson made commitments to cut the regular government funding set to expire next week. Now Democrats in either chamber could thwart the speaker’s effort to make good on that promise if they vote against a stopgap measure.
On Tuesday, the No. 2 Democrat in the House said the onus is on GOP leaders to pass the long-term funding patch next week or risk a funding lapse on their watch.
“They control government,” said Massachusetts Rep. Katherine Clark, the chamber’s Democratic whip, in an interview. “That’s up to them to pass that and continue to allow them to dismantle and shut down our government.”
The House’s top Democratic appropriator, Connecticut Rep. Rosa DeLauro, told reporters on Tuesday that Republican appropriators have yet to respond to the latest offer Democrats sent them 10 days ago on government funding levels — though GOP appropriators insist that they did not “walk away” from bipartisan negotiations.
“For me, that is moving away from the table — leaving the table of negotiation,” DeLauro said.
Even if a bipartisan deal were struck on overall funding totals, it would take several more weeks to negotiate the specifics of the dozen annual funding measures and craft bill text. So top Democrats are calling for a short-term stopgap to buy more time to reach an overarching agreement and then hammer out the details.
The Senate’s senior Democratic appropriator, Washington Sen. Patty Murray, said Tuesday that Democrats “cannot stand by and accept a yearlong power grab,” warning that a full-year funding patch would help Elon Musk “take a chainsaw” to federal agencies as he leads the Department of Government Efficiency. Instead, Murray said she is ready to “immediately” pass a “short-term” stopgap “to take down the risk of a shutdown so that we can finish our negotiations and write full-year spending bills.”
Trump plans to meet Wednesday afternoon at the White House with a group of House Republicans, including members of the House Freedom Caucus, in an attempt to get them to go along with the stopgap plan, after White House budget director Russ Vought already met with the fiscally conservative group Monday night.
Meredith Lee Hill contributed to this report.
Congress
Gottheimer readies AI bill to vet powerful AI models for risk
Rep. Josh Gottheimer is preparing to introduce a bill mandating that some artificial intelligence companies submit their powerful new models to the government to screen for national security, critical infrastructure, cybersecurity and bioterror risks.
It comes as fear grips Washington over new AI models, such as Anthropic’s Claude Mythos, that could turbocharge existential risks posed by the emerging technology — such as enabling bad actors to engineer superviruses or create deadly bioweapons.
Gottheimer’s forthcoming legislation, details of which the New Jersey Democrat shared exclusively with Blue Light News, would run parallel to a bipartisan effort in the House to craft federal rules governing the technology, and comes as the White House considers a voluntary vetting regime for powerful new models.
Relatedly, the Trump administration decided on Friday to impose export controls on Anthropic’s latest models over national security concerns. Gottheimer told Blue Light News that threats identified from models such as Anthropic’s Mythos “highlighted how critically important it is that we have a mandatory process for the government to review advanced models”.
The coming proposal represents one of the most aggressive attempts yet by a key AI policymaker to mitigate potentially catastrophic risks posed by the fast-moving technology.
Gottheimer, a moderate self-styled dealmaker who has been eager to reach an agreement with Republicans on a national AI framework, currently co-chairs a new Democratic commission convened by House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries that’s been tasked with developing his party’s official AI policy agenda.
The commission swiftly blasted the discussion draft from Reps. Jay Obernolte (R-Calif.) and Lori Trahan (D-Mass.) unveiled in June, saying it failed “to meet the enormity of the moment.”
That bipartisan framework would override some state AI laws and require top developers to disclose the safety and security risks of their new models. It also would tap the Center for AI Standards and Innovation — an office within the Commerce Department’s National Institute of Standards and Technology — to support voluntary model evaluations.
Gottheimer added that his proposal is currently under review by the House Legislative Counsel, which ensures a policy is consistent with existing laws, and is speaking with both Democrats and Republicans to rally support.
Congress
Trump escalates his war on Senate Republicans — and senators are striking back
President Donald Trump is making life almost impossible for Senate Republicans — and these days fewer of them are willing to just let it slide.
Some lawmakers that were once happy to brush off impulsive and disruptive behavior by saying they hadn’t seen the president’s social media posts or that it was just “Trump being Trump” are increasingly willing to speak out against what they view as bad decisions that undermine their ability to deliver legislative wins as the midterms approach.
The latest irritation was the early-morning Truth Social post Wednesday that upended GOP hopes of quickly confirming a new director of national intelligence and reviving a surveillance bill that Trump already derailed earlier this month.
The chaos that followed Trump’s sudden U-turn on Jay Clayton’s nomination, just hours before a scheduled confirmation hearing, further loosened tongues in the Capitol hallways — even from lawmakers who tend to be reliable allies.
“The president’s timing and communication needs improvement,” Sen. Shelley Moore Capito (R-W.Va.) said. “I think it’s unfortunate. It throws a kicker into the system when we get going and then we have to readjust.”
Asked about frustration within the conference about the recent lack of coordination, Sen. John Kennedy (R-La.) added, “Well, duh.”
Kennedy added, “No, I don’t,” when asked if Trump takes senators into consideration: “He wants what he wants, and until he gets it, he just keeps pushing.”
The public frustrations are bubbling up at a crucial moment for Trump and Republicans more broadly. The president sent his wee-hours missive from France, where he was meeting with global leaders at the annual G7 conference and seeking to sell an Iran peace deal that many in his party despise.
Trump has faced recent pushback on several fronts in the Senate, with Republicans foiling plans to fund part of his White House ballroom project in a recent immigration funding deal and forcing the Justice Department to abandon plans for a $1.8 billion “Anti-Weaponization Fund” that could compensate Trump allies.
The president’s frequent demands that the Senate abandon its longstanding filibuster rule to pass more legislation along party lines, including a controversial elections overhaul, have also gone unheeded — adding to Trump’s obvious frustration.
He has now responded on several occasions by simply infuriating GOP senators who believe they are on the precipice of delivering a legislative win — only for Trump to suddenly pull the rug out from under them.
His announcement of the DOJ payout fund, for instance, delayed and nearly killed a critical immigration funding bill. And his decision to tap Bill Pulte, a close political ally who heads a housing agency, as acting director of national intelligence blew up a brewing three-year deal on reauthorizing a key piece of Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act.
Sen. Thom Tillis of North Carolina, who announced his retirement last year after breaking with Trump on policy legislation, said the dynamic is “undermining our ability to produce the very results he wants.”
“Look, we are not the manufacturing department of the Article II branch — we are the board of directors for the Article II branch,” he said. “You start treating us like that, coordinating with us like that, we won’t have these embarrassing setbacks.”
Trump’s decision to call off Clayton’s appearance before the Senate Intelligence Committee came as Republicans believed he was on track to be confirmed as soon as Thursday. That, they believed, would allow for an extension of the spy law — something administration officials had previously argued is crucial to protect Americans amid the World Cup and ongoing America 250 celebrations.
Instead, Clayton and the FISA reauthorization have become the latest tension point between Trump and the Senate, with the president again hammering Republicans for not passing the partisan elections bill known as the SAVE America Act, while also needling them about refusing to blow up the filibuster and the internal rules granting home-state senators deference on some presidential nominees.
Senate Majority Leader John Thune has expressed his own frustrations in a more understated way than others in the GOP ranks.
Normally chatty with reporters, Thune was unusually tight-lipped Wednesday, saying that Senate Republicans would have to figure out the path forward on Clayton and the surveillance law “one day at a time” and that his relationship with Trump was “fine” amid the public turmoil.
“The president has his own mind, makes his own decisions, so do we,” Thune said.
He later explained in an interview that the White House and Senate Republicans do a “fair amount of coordination.” “But sometimes you get surprised,” he added. “It’s a business model the White House employs, and we’ve had to figure out how to be adaptable.”
The White House said in a statement that Trump has worked closely with Senate Republicans on the party’s agenda over the past year, including last year’s $4.5 trillion tax cut and the immigration enforcement bill passed earlier this year.
“We look forward to continuing these close relationships and fulfilling President Trump’s priorities that Americans elected him to enact,” Abigail Jackson, a White House spokesperson, said in the statement.
Thune and Trump developed a good working relationship at the outset of the president’s second term, a turnaround from tensions that emerged in the period after Trump’s 2020 election loss that included him calling for a primary challenge to Thune in 2022. Several Senate Republicans praised Thune Wednesday for trying to keep the conference focused and said they didn’t believe Trump’s salvos were personal.
“Hating Thune would be like hating golden retrievers. You can’t dislike Thune. I don’t think the president dislikes him,” Kennedy said, while adding that Trump is fixated on the elections bill: “I just think he wants what he wants, and he continues to push. I just don’t think in this instance he’s likely to get it.”
Several other members identified the SAVE America Act as a persistent friction point despite GOP senators showing over and over again that the bill doesn’t have the votes to pass in the Senate. They are eager for Trump, and some of their own colleagues, to turn their focus from infighting to hammering Democrats heading into November.
Senate Republicans, according to two people granted anonymity to describe a private meeting, directly criticized Sen. Mike Lee (R-Utah) during a closed-door lunch Wednesday over setting unrealistic expectations about passing the bill.
Without naming Lee, Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas) took a jab afterward at those “making unrealistic promises and then when they’re not obtained, criticizing one another.”
Cornyn, who lost his bid for renomination to a fifth term this month after Trump endorsed his opponent, also acknowledged the president was the source of “some frustration” inside the Senate GOP around “basically being able to function.”
Congress
Pence-backed think tank joins push to keep kids’ safety bills out of AI package
More than a dozen groups including former Vice President Mike Pence’s Advancing American Freedom are urging Senate Commerce Committee leaders to reject efforts to attach kids’ online safety measures to a national artificial intelligence framework, according to a letter shared exclusively with Blue Light News.
The groups argue that the proposed measures could undermine users’ free speech rights while creating new risk to privacy and data security. Their push comes as lawmakers weigh broader AI legislation, and follows reports last week that Sen. Marsha Blackburn (R-Tenn.) is working with the White House to shore up support for a kids’ safety package that could ultimately preempt some state laws on AI.
The Blackburn-led measure is expected to include the Senate version of the Kids Online Safety Act, which includes a “duty of care” requiring companies to design their products with an eye toward preventing harm to children, the NO FAKES Act and the App Store Accountability Act. It’s not yet clear how aggressively it would preempt state action on narrow issues such as verifying users’ ages on social media.
Think tanks including the libertarian R Street Institute, the Taxpayers Protection Alliance, and industry group NetChoice, are among the 13 total signatories. They take issue primarily with ASAA, which would require app store platforms such as Google and Apple to verify users’ ages, and KOSA.
The coalition is alarmed by age verification requirements that could require users to submit personal information to digital databases vulnerable to data breaches and hacks. It also takes issue with parental consent provisions, which would “inevitably require even more intrusive data gathering to prove both the identity of the parent and his or her status as the child’s legal guardian,” the letter reads.
KOSA is also problematic, according to the coalition, because of its duty of care provision. It argues this would infringe on users’ First Amendment speech rights by “requiring online platforms to suppress certain kinds of content.”
Meta helped kill KOSA two years ago after raising similar free speech concerns with the bill to Speaker Mike Johnson, though it has since dropped its opposition because Blackburn’s package is expected to include language preempting state AI laws, as POLITICO exclusively reported Tuesday.
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