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The Dictatorship

Pam Bondi’s cynical ploy to force sheriffs to do ICE’s dirty work

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Pam Bondi’s cynical ploy to force sheriffs to do ICE’s dirty work

This week, sheriffs across the country said that they will not do the legally dubious work of the Trump administration’s immigration enforcement, even as newly sworn-in Attorney General Pam Bondi threatens prosecutions and funding cuts.

Sheriffs in Iowa, New York and North Carolina were among those who said they would not prioritize mass deportations.

Sheriffs in IowaNew York and North Carolina were among those who said they would not prioritize mass deportations, even after Bondi threatened to cut off federal funds to sanctuary jurisdictionsand acting U.S. Deputy Attorney General Emil Bove took the extraordinary step of calling for an investigation — and possible prosecution — of Tompkins County, New York, Sheriff Derek R. Osborne. At issue there is the court-ordered release of an undocumented immigrant from Sheriff Osborne’s jail. Sheriff Osborne and other Tompkins County officials have affirmed that the sheriff’s office followed all applicable laws, but Bove is attempting to use this case to send a warning to other jurisdictions that limit collaboration with immigration authorities.“We will use every tool at our disposal to prevent sanctuary city policies from impeding and obstructing lawful federal operations,” he said. But the Trump administration has a problem: Local jurisdictions have the legal discretion to make their own decisions on immigration enforcement, and sanctuary policies — which limit collaboration, rather than instructing or impeding federal authorities — are perfectly legal. That’s why the Trump administration is hoping that fear and misinformation, and using threats that violate the Constitution, will cow local leaders into collaboration.

Attacking sanctuary policies like the one in Tompkins County is not only cynical, it’s bad policy. The evidence is clear that, when sheriffs do the job of federal law enforcement, everybody is less safe. People become afraid and less likely to report crimes. Trust decreases in government overall. Immigrants are less likely to send their kids to school.That’s on top of the financial and personnel costs. Law enforcement agencies are having a hard time hiring. Terry Norris, the executive director of the Georgia Sheriffs Associationtold NPR, “Georgia sheriffs are like almost every other agency throughout the country. We have a very difficult time hiring deputies and jailers.”

Sheriffs’ jails are often overcrowded, with people dying every day across the country. They can ill afford to focus officers on a federal edict that won’t make their communities safer. Doing the administration’s job diverts local resources that could be used for substance use treatment and mental health support. Finally, immigration enforcement is complicated and increases the risk of wrongful detention, exposing sheriffs to liability and potential litigation.

Pam Bondi.
Pam Bondi on the day she was sworn in as U.S. Attorney General in the Oval Office at the White House on Feb. 5.Andrew Harnik / Getty Images

For these reasons, sheriffs from Iowa to California have affirmed their unwillingness to aid the Trump administration’s efforts, or have pulled back on existing collaboration with immigration authorities. Sheriffs have recommitted their concern for the safety of all residents in their counties, terminated voluntary information sharing and affirmed their commitment to doing only what the law demands on immigration. “Our sole oath and allegiance are to the Constitution and the protection of an individual’s rights,” Winneshiek County Sheriff Dan Marx wrote in a Facebook post in which he vowed not to honor detainer requests from Immigration and Customs Enforcement.

But the Trump administration has decided that it knows better than local law enforcement. The administration needs local law enforcement to reach its deportation goals. During the first Trump administration, 47% of deportations from within the United States went through jails. “To the sheriffs in the room, we need your bed space. We need your 287(g) agreements,” Trump “border czar” Tom Homan told attendees of the National Sheriff Association meeting on Saturday, referring to a program that can grant some immigration enforcement powers to officers in participating local law enforcement agencies. “We need that force-multiplier,” he said.

The Trump administration has decided that it knows better than local law enforcement.

Already, jails in the United States are in a state of crisis. More than 1,000 people die each yearmost before they have faced trial. During the Biden administration, ICE took steps, albeit too limited, to make sure people in its custody were safe. In 2021, they revoked a contract with the Bristol, Massachusetts sheriff who was accused of assaulting incarcerated people during a disturbance in the jail. The closure followed a report from the state attorney general that found a “callous disregard for the well-being of immigration detainees” in the facility, citing, among other things, the use of pepper spray, flash bang grenades and dogs.The Trump administration wants to reverse that progress and go further. Homan told the sheriffs on Saturday that he would place people back in jails like Bristol, relaxing conditions under which someone can be held in ICE’s custody. These promises are part of a two-prong strategy: make it easy for sheriffs eager to participate in mass deportations and make other sheriffs believe they have no choice but to collaborate.

In some places, state laws prohibit voluntary cooperation with federal immigration authorities. In other states, the law requires this activity. However, it is clear everywhere that federal law does not require that sheriffs or other local officials participate. These sheriffs do not violate federal law because they are not interfering with immigration enforcement. Under the 10th Amendment’s long-standing “anti-commandeering doctrine,” state and local governments cannot be required to enforce federal immigration law.

Sheriffs and lawmakers who institute these policies are simply making a decision to prioritize other responsibilities — like focusing on the safety of their communities — rather than volunteering deputies to execute immigration authorities’ mandate. They don’t have to do what the Trump administration tells them to do. Despite this, Bove turned to the threat of prosecutions. Because they don’t have the force of law on their side, they hope to rely on the force of fear.In Tompkins County, New York, the sheriff’s office has been very clear that it has acted “consistently with New York State law and judicial decisionsCounty policy, guidance of the New York Attorney General’s Office, and guidance of the New York State Sheriffs’ Association.” In fact, officials there have argued that rather than any refusal to collaborate, this case was a matter of immigration authorities failing to act in a timely manner. “Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) knew exactly when the individual in question was going to be released and had every opportunity to come to the Tompkins County jail to obtain the individual in question without any need for a pursuit or other incident,” they said in a statement.

The facts on the ground seem to matter little to a DOJ that is more interested in political theater. Their plans for mass deportation will succeed or fail based on whether they can intimidate local law enforcement leaders like Derek Osborne into carrying out their dirty work for them. It’s up to all of us, attorneys and sheriffs and the public, to call them on their empty threats.

Sirine shebaya

Sirine Shebaya is the executive director of the National Immigration Project. She is an immigrant rights litigator and advocate who focuses on the intersection of immigration, civil rights, and racial justice. Under her leadership, the National Immigration Project combines movement-centered litigation, policy advocacy, narrative change, and training and education strategies to defend and advance the rights of immigrant communities of color. Sirine has led successful campaigns and lawsuits to disentangle local law enforcement from immigration enforcement, to expand protective policies at the federal level, and to challenge federal, state and local laws that harm immigrants.

Max Rose

Max Rose is the executive director of Sheriff Accountability Action, which works alongside grassroots organizers across the country to end mass incarceration and stop deportations while building progressive political power. Max lives in Durham, N.C. and is on the board of directors at DataWorks NC. His writing, in the American Prospect, Washington Monthly, and academic publications, has focused on racism, place and justice.

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The Dictatorship

Trump’s economy takes a toll on middle-class Americans as his poll numbers on economics fall

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Trump’s economy takes a toll on middle-class Americans as his poll numbers on economics fall
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The Dictatorship

What Trump’s wildly different responses to two assassinations tell us

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What Trump’s wildly different responses to two assassinations tell us

In his sharply differing reactions to two high-profile assassinations of political figures this year, the president of the United States has effectively encouraged the public to apply a partisan lens to the value of human life.

The two killings in question — a lone wolf assassination of former Minnesota House Speaker Melissa Hortman in June and the shooting of Turning Point USA founder Charlie Kirk at a Utah Valley University speaking event this past week — elicited very different kinds of treatment from the White House. President Donald Trump gave scant attention to Hortman’s killing, while he framed the killing of Kirk as a cataclysmic national tragedy and a political rallying cry for the right.

Republican lives matter more than Democratic lives, Trump is effectively telling his base.

Republican lives matter more than Democratic lives, Trump is effectively telling his base. And in a shocking comment on “Fox & Friends” on Friday, Trump appeared to use Kirk’s assassination to explicitly designate political violence a partisan issue too, by defending violent right-wing extremists as sharing his political goals of bringing down “crime” and left-wing extremists as “the problem.”

In response to the murder of Hortman, Trump offered a brief, impersonal condemnation of her killing on Truth Social, stating that “such horrific violence will not be tolerated.” He didn’t do much else. He did not offer a substantial eulogy for her, or deliver an address on political violence, as he did after Kirk’s death. Unlike former President Joe Biden, Trump did not attend the funeral. The day after Hortman’s killing, when Trump was asked if he had called Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz, he said, “I could be nice and call, but why waste time?” Trump suggested that part of the reason he didn’t want to call Walz was because he thought Walz was to blame for the killing, or at least the events leading up to it. That claim was nonsense. But peddling that narrative did allow Trump to divert attention from the fact that authorities found the suspected shooter had a hit list that named mostly Democratic politicians or figures tied to abortion rights, and that his close childhood friend said he voted for Trump.

In response to Kirk’s killing, Trump responded with tremendous urgency. He immediately issued an order to lower American flags to half-staff at the White House, all public buildings, U.S. embassies and military posts. He announced he would award Kirk the Presidential Medal of Freedom posthumously. He delivered a wrathful four-minute video address from the White House condemning Kirk’s assassination and promising vengeance against the left. As my colleague Anthony Fisher notesduring that address he made “wildly irresponsible assumptions about the then-unknown suspected killer’s motives. He completely ignored right-wing violence (like the kind he incited in Washington on Jan. 6, 2021), and he explicitly threatened to bring down the force of government on his political opponents.”

It was bad enough that Trump showed such divergent responses to the equally indefensible assassinations of Hortman and Kirk — and used the latter to promote the idea of a political crackdown on the left. But his appearance on Fox News on Friday morning involved what I found to be a genuinely jaw-dropping escalation, as he appeared to suggest that violence from the right was more defensible than violence from the left. Fox News host Ainsley Earhardt noted that there are radicals on both the right and the left and expressed concern about people cheering for Kirk’s death before asking Trump, “How do we fix this country?” He replied:

I’ll tell you something that’s going to get me in trouble, but I couldn’t care less. The radicals on the right oftentimes are radical because they don’t want to see crime. They don’t want to see crime. They’re saying, ‘We don’t want these people coming in. We don’t want you burning our shopping centers. We don’t want you shooting our people in the middle of the street.’ The radicals on the left are the problem. And they’re vicious, and they’re horrible, and they’re politically savvy.

What Trump appears to be saying is that left-wing radicals are a problem, while right-wing extremists are, in essence, part of his political project and therefore don’t deserve condemnation — or at least not the kind of condemnation that those on the left do. He is effectively telegraphing the idea that a certain degree of political violence on the right could be acceptable — or at least should be seen as politically sympathetic and well-intentioned. As right-wing extremists are reactivating and rallying around Kirk’s death as a pretext for revenge against the left, Trump’s new statement echoes his “stand back and stand by” order to the Proud Boys in 2020 before they stormed the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6. It would be reasonable in this context for right-wing extremists to surmise that Trump is again signaling that he could be lax on enforcement or try to offer them some kind of immunity — just as he did by commuting the sentences of Proud Boys and pardoning their leader.

In a democracy, all political violence should be considered entirely unacceptable, no matter the ideology of the person committing the act or on the receiving end of it. Both the deaths of Hortman and Kirk were terrible tragedies and completely unjustifiable. But in his selective mourning and politicization of their deaths, Trump suggested one tragedy — more importantly, one type of tragedy — mattered more.

Zeeshan aleem

Zeeshan Aleem is a writer and editor for BLN Daily. Previously, he worked at Vox, HuffPost and Blue Light News, and he has also been published in, among other places, The New York Times, The Atlantic, The Nation, and The Intercept. You can sign up for his free politics newsletter here.

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The Dictatorship

The data on vaccine safety is public and clear — but I just spelled it out for Congress anyway

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The data on vaccine safety is public and clear — but I just spelled it out for Congress anyway

(The following is testimony presented to the U.S. Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations on Sept. 9. It has been edited for style and length.)

The scientific evidence supporting vaccine safety and efficacy represents one of the most extensive and transparent bodies of medical research ever assembled. Vaccines have saved an estimated 154 million lives globally over 50 years, eliminated smallpox from the planet and reduced diseases like polio and measles by over 99% in the United States.

Anyone with internet access can read the same studies I read, examine the same data I examine and verify the same conclusions.

Since April 2025, I have co-led the development of a comprehensive public database cataloging 1,704 randomized controlled trials of vaccines spanning from 1941 to 2025, involving more than 10.5 million participants. Multiple independent U.S. surveillance systems continuously monitor vaccine safety in real time, detecting adverse events as rare as 1 per 1 million doses. Recent large-scale studies, including a Danish cohort following 1.2 million children, consistently demonstrate vaccine safety across diverse populations.

The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention estimates that vaccines given to U.S. children born between 1994 and 2023 will prevent approximately 508 million illnesses, 32 million hospitalizations and 1,129,000 deaths over their lifetimes, saving nearly $2.7 trillion in societal costs. This vast evidence base is publicly accessible, peer-reviewed and continuously updated. If vaccines caused a wave of chronic disease, our safety systems — which can detect one-in-a-million events — would have seen it. They haven’t.

I am also part of the Center for Infectious Disease Research and Policy’s Vaccine Integrity Projectwhere our team is conducting a systematic review and meta-analysis of respiratory virus immunizations from approximately the last two years. This ongoing analysis has examined 590 studies from over 17,000 identified references to date.

As an infectious diseases physician at Stanford University School of Medicine, I have treated many adults with vaccine-preventable diseases throughout my career. These clinical experiences, combined with my research analyzing the extensive evidence base for vaccine safety and efficacy, inform my testimony today.

I should note that I am here in my personal capacity, and the views I share reflect my own professional experience and analysis of the scientific evidence. I have received minimal payments totaling $45.62 over multiple years for food and beverage at work-related events, as documented in the federal Open Payments database. My research time is either self-funded or supported by Stanford University. I testify in my personal capacity as a physician-scientist committed to rigorous evidence and transparent science.

The safety and efficacy data for vaccines is published in peer-reviewed journals, accessible through PubMed, analyzed by independent researchers worldwide, and scrutinized by regulatory agencies whose deliberations are public record. Anyone with internet access can read the same studies I read, examine the same data I examine and verify the same conclusions.

Our international team has built a public database of randomized controlled trials of vaccines. Every entry links directly to its peer-reviewed source publication, allowing anyone to examine the methods, data and results independently. This is how science should work — open, transparent and reproducible.

The transparency of vaccine science extends throughout history. When Edward Jenner published his vaccination findings in 1798, he self-published Variolae Vaccinae for public scrutiny. The 1954 Salk polio vaccine trial involved 1.8 million children in a publicly monitored study, with results announced to the world and data published for examination. This tradition continues today with large-scale epidemiologic studies published in peer-reviewed journals for all to examine.

The United States maintains multiple independent vaccine safety monitoring systems, each operating transparently.

When real risks exist, they are detected, quantified, disclosed and incorporated into guidance. That is how a functioning safety system works.

The Vaccine Adverse Event Reporting System (VAERS) makes every report publicly accessible at vaers.hhs.gov, where anyone can search, download and analyze raw data. The Vaccine Safety Datalink (VSD) covers over 10 million Americans across nine health care organizations, with findings regularly published in peer-reviewed journals and presented at public Advisory Committee meetings. The Post-licensure Rapid Immunization Safety Monitoring (PRISM) system monitors over 190 million people, publishing results openly.

These systems have successfully detected rare adverse events — including intestinal blockage with a rotavirus vaccine in 1999, leading to its withdrawal; rare blood clots with the Johnson & Johnson Covid vaccine (3 per 1 million doses), detected within weeks; and myocarditis signals with mRNA vaccinespromptly investigated and quantified.

When real risks exist, they are detected, quantified, disclosed and incorporated into guidance. That is how a functioning safety system works.

Vaccination has historically united Americans across political lines. George Washington ordered Continental Army variolation against smallpox in 1777, declaring, “I have determined that the troops shall be inoculated.” His orders, preserved in the Library of Congress, reflect understanding that disease threatened his army more than British forces.

Throughout American history, presidents from both parties have championed vaccination as essential public health policy. President Dwight D. Eisenhower signed the Poliomyelitis Vaccination Assistance Act in 1955, stating, “We all hope that the dread disease of poliomyelitis can be eradicated from our society.” President Ronald Reagan proclaimed National Adult Immunization Awareness Week, noting that “vaccination against infectious diseases saves lives and lowers health care costs.” President George H.W. Bush mobilized CDC teams to cities during the 1991 measles resurgence, urging parents: “The vaccines are available. Please, make sure your child is immunized.” Even recently, President Donald Trump acknowledged: “Look, you have vaccines that work — they just pure and simple work. They’re not controversial at all.”

The evidence of vaccine effectiveness is documented in every health department report and mortality database. This data is not hidden — it is published by the CDC and available to anyone.

Before vaccines, measles infected 3-4 million Americans annually, killing approximately 500 children each year. After widespread vaccination led to elimination in 2000, deaths typically numbered zero to two per year. We are currently experiencing our worst outbreak in decades — 1,431 cases through September 2025, with three deaths, overwhelmingly in undervaccinated communities.

Polio paralyzed 16,000 Americans annually in the pre-vaccine era. In 1952 alone, polio caused 57,879 cases and 3,145 deaths, and paralyzed 21,269 Americans. Since 1979there have been zero cases of wild poliovirus in the United States — a 100% reduction.

Haemophilus influenzae type b (Hib) caused 20,000 cases of severe disease in children under 5 each year, killing approximately 1,000 annually. After vaccine introduction in 1987, cases dropped by over 99%. From 2009 to 2018, only 36 total Hib cases occurred in American children under 5 — across that entire decade.

The transformation is striking: diphtheria killed 13,000-15,000 Americans annually in the early 20th century; in 2024, we had one case. Pertussis killed hundreds of infants yearly; today, typically fewer than 10. Vaccines have saved an estimated 154 million lives globally over 50 years, including 146 million children under 5 years old and 101 million infants. For every death averted, 66 years of full health were gained on average, translating to 10.2 billion years of full health gained. Vaccination has accounted for 40% of the observed decline in global infant mortality — 52% in Africa. In 2024, a child under 10 years old is 40% more likely to survive to their next birthday because of historical vaccination programs.

For respiratory virus vaccines, the primary goal and realistic expectation is to prevent severe disease and death, not infection.

During the 2023-24 influenza season, over 200 children died from flu; among vaccine-eligible children with known vaccination status, more than 80% were not fully vaccinated. Covid-19 vaccines, developed with unprecedented transparency through publicly broadcast Food and Drug Administration and CDC meetings, prevented catastrophic loss of life. A rigorous analysis estimated vaccines prevented 2.5 million deaths globally from 2020 to 2024 (with sensitivity estimates ranging from 1.4-4.0 million). Before vaccines, ICUs were overwhelmed. By mid-2021, nearly every fatal case was among the unvaccinated. During the delta surge, unvaccinated adults were 53 times more likely to die than those vaccinated and boosted.

I cared for hundreds of Covid patients and watched far too many die. I lost many unvaccinated patients across the age spectrum — from their 30s to their 90s — who I am certain would have survived had they been vaccinated. One mother in her 40s without underlying conditions declined vaccination and died, leaving her child behind. These statistics represent preventable human tragedies.

When vaccine safety is studied with robust designs — large, linked databases, matched cohorts, self-controlled methods comparing people to themselves over time — the findings are consistent: no broad increase in chronic diseases among vaccinated people.

Every medical intervention exists on a spectrum of effectiveness. Statins reduce heart attack risk by approximately 30%, not 100%. Cancer chemotherapy may help roughly 40% of patients, not all. We use these treatments because benefits outweigh limitations. Influenza vaccines, used since the 1940s, prevent an estimated 40%-60% of influenza illness in good years, perhaps 20% when the match is poor — yet still prevent thousands of deaths annually.

For respiratory virus vaccines, the primary goal and realistic expectation is to prevent severe disease and death, not infection. While vaccines cannot prevent viruses from initially entering the respiratory tract, they help our immune system recognize the pathogen and mount a rapid response that can prevent infection, transmission or severe disease, depending on the variant and vaccine match. But vaccines excel at keeping people out of the hospital, and for that critical goal, they perform remarkably well.

Our surveillance systems’ transparency was demonstrated during Covid-19 vaccine monitoring. When the possibility of an early myocarditis signal emerged, the CDC issued a Health Alert Network notice on May 27, 2021, urging clinicians to report cases to verify whether a true safety signal existed. Once confirmed through enhanced surveillance, the Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices reviewed data publicly on June 23. The FDA added warnings on June 25. The data showed rates peaked at approximately 106 per million second doses in teenage boys in 2021, mostly mild and short-lived. By 2024-25, rates with updated formulations returned to near background levels, as documented in public ACIP presentations.

Our surveillance systems can detect extremely rare adverse events — as rare as 1 event per 1 million doses or even less. These systems identified thrombosis with thrombocytopenia syndrome (blood clots and low platelets) after the J&J vaccine at a few per million doses overall. The sensitivity of these systems would make any widespread vaccine-related chronic disease impossible to miss.

We take vaccine safety extremely seriously. Vaccines are unique medicines given to large numbers of healthy people. Ensuring their safety through rigorous testing and continuous monitoring is critical.

The evidence for vaccine safety and efficacy exists in overwhelming abundance, accessible to anyone willing to examine it.

My current work exemplifies commitment to openness. Our public database is openly accessible, with search strategies available in the spreadsheets for anyone to examine and verify. The Vaccine Integrity Project team discussed our methods at a public webinardemonstrating our commitment to transparency even before publication. Every step of our research process is designed to be reproducible and verifiable.

Beyond clinical trials, thousands of additional studies examine vaccine safety through peer-reviewed research. When concerns arise, they are investigated and results are published, whether confirming or refuting initial hypotheses.

The evidence for vaccine safety and efficacy exists in overwhelming abundance, accessible to anyone willing to examine it. From Washington’s orders to inoculate the Continental Army to today’s real-time safety monitoring systems, American vaccination policy has been built on transparency and evidence.

The data supporting vaccines is not hidden — it is reviewed by the FDA, published in peer-reviewed journals, analyzed worldwide and tracked through public surveillance systems. If vaccines caused widespread chronic disease, our safety monitoring systems would have detected it. They haven’t.

The question before this subcommittee is whether public health policy will continue to be guided by transparent, peer-reviewed evidence. As we face both emerging infectious disease threats and the return of old threats due to declining vaccination coverage — like our current measles outbreak — maintaining public confidence through evidence-based communication remains essential.

The data is public. The evidence is clear. I welcome your questions.

Jake Scott

Dr. Jake Scott is an infectious disease physician and Clinical Associate Professor at Stanford University School of Medicine in the Division of Infectious Diseases and Geographic Medicine.

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