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SEOUL — Few subjects can provoke stronger reactions in South Korea than the issue of mandatory military service. So when two Korean reporters were caught on camera last week making demeaning comments about team captain Son Heung-min’s lack of service, it touched a national nerve.
“Is he running around like a platoon leader because he’s the captain?” they mocked, pointing out that he knew nothing about warfare because of a service waiver granted after he led the national team to an Asian Games gold medal in 2018.
Son is no ordinary athlete, despite controversially starting last night’s match against South Africa from the bench. He is a global soccer superstar, often described as Asia’s greatest-ever player. The perception of him as a trustworthy and well-respected national figure can be seen in his endorsements, including as a brand ambassador for Hana Bank.
And so the backlash against the reporters was swift: The disparagement of the beloved athlete was widely criticized, and South Korea’s national team is now boycotting Korean media interviews. That news alone has made headlines in the country, since the national team has effectively cut off access to domestic reporters as they compete in the biggest sporting event on the planet, limiting their interactions to FIFA-required media appearances. It’s a reminder of how sensitive the military service issue remains, even when the underlying rules have long been settled.
At least 18 months of military service is required for every able-bodied man in South Korea. For many, the mandatory sacrifice inevitably creates frustration toward those who are exempted from it — including elite athletes and entertainers, Koreans with foreign citizenship and disabled citizens.
Nearly two decades ago, those exemptions exploded into the spotlight when the 2002 South Korean squad became the nation’s first and only World Cup team to receive military exemptions for its tournament performance, after its historic fourth-place finish. The backlash was overwhelming in subsequent years — Koreans saw the growing range of sports exemptions as unfair, and as a result, the government dropped World Cup-related exemptions in 2008. Despite the policy change, however, the bitterness surrounding military exemption still haunts the sport.
Today, athletes can still qualify for alternative service through achievements such as winning an Olympic medal or a gold medal at the Asian Games. It’s why Son’s military exemption, which replaces full active-duty service with three weeks of basic military training and alternative services, shouldn’t — in theory — be controversial.
But because nearly all able-bodied men are required by law to serve, questions surrounding who receives special treatment continue to generate intense public scrutiny. Even around the time Son received his exemption in 2018, an online survey showed that 74 percent of participating voters thought that military exemptions should be abolished for athletic and artistic achievements.
BERLIN — Across most countries in this year’s World Cup, the national flag is a natural way to support the home team.
In Germany, it’s… complicated.
There is plenty of excitement about the German team surging through Group E: One Berlin bakery chain is advertising slices of black, red and gold cake; shops are hawking tricolor plastic leis, noisemakers and face paint; fans gathering to watch the games don German team jerseys.
But as Germany takes the field against Ecuador today, what is less visible around the country is the black, red and gold of the German flag. That’s because, for the last eight decades, Germany has had a deeply complex relationship with its own national symbols and the concept of national pride.
After the Nazi defeat in World War II, expressions of national pride were taboo in Germany. Instead, the country’s postwar leaders promoted Verfassungspatriotismus, or constitutional patriotism: a sense of pride in postwar Germany’s commitment to democracy and the rule of law. By contrast, overt national pride was largely the remit of the far- and extreme right — so much so that a slogan from the neo-Nazi NPD party in the early 2000s, deeply controversial at the time, was Ich bin stolz, ein Deutscher zu sein (“I’m proud to be German”).
Then came the Sommermärchen (“summer fairy tale”) of 2006, when Germany hosted its first World Cup since unification and found itself uncommonly awash in black, red and gold. A German friend once quipped that, before that year, if you saw a house flying a German flag you knew the person living there was a neo-Nazi; afterwards; they could be a neo-Nazi or a soccer fan.
“2006 was a coming-out moment for Germany,” said Sudha David-Wilp, a Berlin-based vice president and senior fellow at the German Marshall Fund. “It allowed Germans to feel comfortable in their national skin and to unfurl their flag.”
That growing embrace of sports-related patriotism has been complicated in recent years by the rise of the far-right Alternative for Germany party, or AfD, which has co-opted the flag and favors jettisoning the country’s postwar memory culture to make way for vocal national pride. Its leaders have accused other political parties of being insufficiently patriotic, including during a recent dustup over whether AfD parliamentarians were allowed to let the German flag wave from the windows of their Bundestag offices during a far-right protest.
“The German flag plays a central role in the aesthetics of [the AfD’s] political communication,” said Johannes Hillje, a Berlin-based political consultant who tracks far- and extreme-right rhetoric in Germany. “Part of the AfD’s communication strategy is to reinterpret national symbols and general terms such as ‘homeland,’ ‘nation,’ and ‘patriotism’ in line with its far-right ideology.”
With the AfD leading in national polls, politicians from left-leaning parties have expressed unease with the overt symbolism of waving the German flag. The Left Party advertised a World Cup watch party with the tagline, “No flags, no nationalism, no stress!”
And Philipp Türmer, leader of the youth wing of the center-left Social Democrats, told Spiegel he would gladly wear a German jersey but couldn’t imagine himself waving the flag: “I’ve spent too much time in my life at counter-protests where the [fascists] on the other side of the police barricade decked themselves out in black, red and gold,” he said.
Both the shift toward expressing more national pride and the AfD’s strong association with it were apparent in polling among the German electorate. Sixty percent of German respondents surveyed for this month’s POLITICO Poll said they were very or somewhat proud to be German, compared with 32 percent who said they were not that proud or not at all proud. At the same time, just 30 percent said they owned a German flag and 24 percent said they had clothing with the German flag on it.
And asked to name the political party they most identify with someone saying they are proud of Germany, 35 percent named the AfD, more than twice the figure for any other party.
German captain Joshua Kimmich told Bild ahead of his team’s first match against Curaçao that he hoped the World Cup would be an opportunity to encourage a new kind of “positive patriotism” in Germany — one distinct from the version pushed by the far right.
“Our team can be a model for that,” he said. “If you look at our team, we already have many players with different backgrounds, different religions and from different parts of society. We want to be successful together.”
It’s shaping up to be another soccer-filled day for the New York City area’s soccer-mad top politicos. While New Jersey Gov. Mikie Sherrill is expected to attend the Germany-Ecuador match at MetLife Stadium, according to our New Jersey Playbook, New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani will create action of his own. Our New York Playbook reports that Mamdani is scheduled to deliver his daily World Cup traffic and weather update, appear on a British sports program, host a pickup soccer match and address the Police Athletic League — although no word yet on which of its sports will dominate his attention.
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