Congress
Mitch McConnell’s party of one
Three months ago, Mitch McConnell ran the Senate GOP. Now he’s going it alone as he wages battles against some of President Donald Trump’s highest-profile nominees.
The Kentucky Republican became the only member of the Senate GOP’s 53-seat conference to oppose more than one Trump pick with his votes this week — first opposing Tulsi Gabbard’s director of national intelligence nomination on Wednesday and then Robert F. Kennedy Jr.’s Health and Human Services nomination on Thursday.
“He has expressed the fact that he is going to be independent,” said Sen. Mike Rounds (R-S.D.). “He is not burdened with … leadership, and if he has a disagreement on a particular individual he will express that.”
McConnell was hardly alone among Senate Republicans in raising doubts about Gabbard, Kennedy and Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, whose confirmation he opposed last month. Several colleagues who hail from the same traditionalist wing of the GOP aired similar concerns about those nominees’ fitness for office.
But only the 82-year-old Kentucky Republican ended up voting against all three. That’s a reflection of the fact that he is unlikely to stand for reelection and thus has no need to curry favor with Trump. Their relationship, in fact, went sour years ago. It gives him immunity from the primary threats, arm-wringing and behind-the-scenes lobbying that brought other GOP senators into line.
Asked about his votes, McConnell’s office on Thursday pointed back to his Jan. 16 floor speech where he offered an early outline of what his approach would be. Known as a ruthless operator but committed Senate institutionalist, he said he would support a “large slate of nominees” who have “credentials and records prove them worthy of the highest public trust and whose policy views align with the administration’s goal.”
In comments since then, McConnell has been unflinching in making clear he believed the Senate should exercise its constitutional powers and reject some of Trump’s nominees.
“The Senate’s power of advice and consent is not an option; it is an obligation, and one we cannot pretend to misunderstand,” he said in a blistering statement opposing Gabbard. “When a nominee’s record proves them unworthy of the highest public trust, and when their command of relevant policy falls short of the requirements of their office, the Senate should withhold its consent.”
Still, Republicans don’t expect McConnell to be a larger headache where it will matter — on Trump’s legislative agenda, with the former leader himself predicting that he will support most of what the administration tries to do.
With 53 seats, the Senate GOP can afford to lose his vote at times, freeing him to cast symbolic opposition to some of Trump’s most controversial nominees while supporting the rest. Notably, he voted to advance Hegseth, Gabbard and Kennedy past key procedural hurdles before opposing their final confirmation. He has also voted for the other 13 of the 16 nominees the Senate has confirmed so far.
McConnell is also following the golden rule of the Senate: How you vote is up to you, but don’t surprise your own party leaders.
Senate Majority Leader John Thune said McConnell’s votes weren’t unexpected. “Like any senator he is entitled to vote however he chooses to vote,” he said.
McConnell made clear that after stepping down as party leader he would use his perch in the Senate to try to enact and speak up for his priorities — particularly by pushing back on an isolationist worldview that has increasingly dominated his party’s foreign policy posture.
Ahead of Trump’s formal return to office, McConnell said at a national security conference at the Ronald Reagan Library in December that “America will not be made great again by those who are content to manage our decline.”
He also warned in a statement late last year that Trump’s picks should avoid trying to undermine vaccines, saying that “anyone seeking the Senate’s consent to serve in the incoming Administration would do well to steer clear of even the appearance of association with such efforts.”
McConnell, a polio survivor, took an especially dim view of Kennedy’s skepticism about the vaccine that could have spared him from a devastating childhood illness that affected his mobility into adulthood.
Yet those warnings didn’t prevent any of the picks he opposed from ultimately getting confirmed — or from preventing some of his colleagues from criticizing his strategy. It’s a move that would have once been unthinkable given McConnell’s iron grip over his conference, but became increasingly common in the final years of his leadership reign.
“As I said when I ran against him for leader, we ought to have somebody up here who supports the Trump agenda and supports the Trump nominees and he hasn’t now — he hasn’t, he doesn’t,” said Sen. Rick Scott (R-Fla.), whom McConnell easily defeated in a leadership race in 2022.
Lisa Kashinsky contributed to this report.
Congress
Al Green, Menefee head to runoff in member-on-member Democratic primary
Texas Democratic Reps. Al Green and Christian Menefee are headed to a runoff, extending a member-on-member matchup defined by the latest fight over generational change.
Neither Green, 78, or Menefee, 37, earned a majority of votes in the newly drawn Houston 18th District resulting from Texas Republicans’ recent gerrymander of the state’s congressional map.
Green, a civil rights icon, jumped into the race after his former district was scrambled by the GOP’s redistricting. The matchup comes as the Democratic Party is engaged in an intense debate about whether the old guard should step aside and make room for a younger generation of leaders.
Green, who was first elected to Congress in 2004, has long represented the Houston area. He was the first Democrat to introduce articles of impeachment against President Donald Trump — long before most other House Democrats were on board — and famously protested his addresses to Congress.
Just weeks ago, Menefee had won a special election in an overlapping district to serve out the remainder of the late, former Rep. Sylvester Turner’s term.
Congress
John Thune urges Trump to endorse John Cornyn ‘early’
Senate Majority Leader John Thune urged President Donald Trump on Wednesday to deliver a swift endorsement of Texas Sen. John Cornyn to potentially forestall what is widely expected to be an expensive and nasty primary runoff against Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton.
Thune told reporters he hasn’t yet spoken to Trump since the election returns from Tuesday’s primary came in but indicated he intends to personally redouble his efforts, saying Wednesday that “hopefully” the president will give Cornyn his influential nod.
“[If] Trump endorses early, it saves everybody a lot of money, and … 10 weeks of a spirited campaign on our side that keeps us from spending time focusing on the Democrats,” Thune said.
“If the president can weigh in it would be enormously helpful,” he added.
Thune and other Senate Republicans have been trying to nudge Trump for months to endorse Cornyn, who acknowledged last month that he didn’t expect the president to weigh in before Tuesday night’s election. The runoff is set for May 26, with the winner to face Democrat James Talarico, who avoided his own runoff Tuesday.
Other Senate Republicans are also expected to renew their case for Cornyn to Trump after the four-term veteran exceeded expectations Tuesday.
“I would encourage the president to endorse him,” Senate Majority Whip John Barrasso said Wednesday, arguing that Cornyn has the best shot of winning in November.
As of Wednesday morning, Cornyn is narrowly leading Paxton with 94 percent of the votes counted, according to the Associated Press. Many polls had Cornyn trailing Paxton ahead of Election Day.
Thune called it a “great night” for Cornyn. Other allies of the Texas Republican who were granted anonymity to speak candidly said his performance Tuesday means, in their view, a Trump endorsement is still a possibility.
Congress
Tim Walz accuses the Trump administration of singling out Minnesota amid fraud allegations, immigration crackdown
Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz told lawmakers Wednesday that his state has been terrorized by the Trump administration over mass welfare fraud allegations, pointing to the killing of U.S. citizens in the midst of an immigration enforcement surge around Minneapolis.
“Let me be clear: In Minnesota, if you defraud public programs, if you steal taxpayer money, we’ll find you, we’ll prosecute you, we’ll convict you, and we’ll throw you in jail,” the Democrat said in his opening remarks at a hearing before the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee.
But, he added, “the people of Minnesota have been singled out and targeted for political retribution at an unparalleled scale, including blocking Medicaid reimbursements to our state just last week.”
Walz, the 2024 nominee for vice president, is fending off accusations from congressional Republicans that he didn’t do enough to prevent a scandal that has embroiled his state. Prosecutors have charged more than 90 people with defrauding the government, and two individuals connected to the Minnesota nonprofit Feeding Our Future were convicted of stealing federal nutrition funds in March.
The revelations have led the Trump administration to take drastic, punitive measures, such as prompting the Department of Health and Human Services to freeze its child care funding and the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services to cancel hundreds of millions in Medicaid money.
Walz, alongside Minnesota’s Democratic attorney general, Keith Ellison, have been hauled to Capitol Hill to testify before the committee about the scandal — and also to respond to an interim report committee Republicans released early Wednesday morning alleging that Walz and Ellison “knew about the fraud in federal programs administered by the State of Minnesota much earlier than they told the American people.”
House Oversight Chair James Comer (R-Ky.) asked why Walz did not order the stop or suspend welfare program payments, despite warnings of fraud.
“We’re not going to stop payments to feed children until we have the proof that things happen,” Walz said.
Comer objected: “You didn’t stop payments because you didn’t want to rock the boat.”
In his opening statement, Ellison maintained that his office has pursued fraud convictions aggressively where it has the jurisdiction to do so.
Republicans have honed in on the welfare scandal as an opportunity to disparage the state’s Democratic leadership, but it also has fueled anti-immigrant rhetoric within the GOP — specifically against Minnesota’s large Somali community. At one point, House Judiciary Committee Chair Jim Jordan, who is also a member of the Oversight panel, asked Walz whether he knew how many of those indicted have been Somali-American.
“We don’t investigate or prosecute people based on ethnicity, religion—,” Walz said, before Jordan interrupted him.
“Neither do I, we shouldn’t do that,” Jordan responded. “85 percent of the people indicted were Somali-American, a key voting bloc, and I think that’s what drove this whole thing.”
The White House quickly amplified video of the exchange on X.
Democrats on the committee are using the opportunity to criticize the administration’s aggressive immigration enforcement agenda. The panel’s ranking member, Rep. Robert Garcia of California, pointed to a large poster of Renee Good’s bloody driver seat, after she was shot by ICE agents in January.
“This violence does not make us safer,” Garcia said. “It does not address fraud, waste, and abuse. It doesn’t help families with healthcare … And it certainly as we’re continuing to discuss, is not preventing the kind of fraud that Republicans are discussing here today.”
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