Congress
Mike Johnson’s budget blueprint faces Senate GOP buzzsaw
Getting a $95 billion budget blueprint through the House took weeks of arm twisting. Getting it through the Senate may very well be impossible.
With Speaker Mike Johnson muscling through the first step of a two-part plan for passing billions of funding for the Iran war and farm aid — and for implementing provisions of a GOP election proposal — the intraparty battle is officially now in Senate Majority Leader John Thune’s court, where the South Dakota Republican has been frank about the rocky road the effort faces and careful not to guarantee he’ll be successful.
GOP senators are likely to face a wave of pressure from House Republicans, who are leaving town this week for an extended summer recess, as well as the White House, to move quickly to advance the House’s budget resolution — necessary to draft and pass the party’s third filibuster-skirting reconciliation bill of the 119th Congress.
The White House blasted out a video Wednesday night of President Donald Trump telling supporters to “call John Thune” to demand passage of the SAVE America Act, adding that Republicans were trying to fit it into the reconciliation package.
But there’s plenty of skepticism among Republicans that they will be successful — before the midterms, or ever. Fiscal hawks are demanding offsets, while defense hawks and farm-state Republicans want more spending for their priorities.
“I don’t think Senator Thune’s going to take it up,” Sen. John Kennedy (R-La.) told reporters Wednesday.
And attempting to pass another party-line package could end up forcing vulnerable incumbents to walk the plank on any number of politically tricky votes just months before the elections — a scenario many want to avoid.
Complicating things even further is that, with Sen. Mitch McConnell absent indefinitely for health reasons, Thune can only lose two of his members and still secure the budget blueprint’s adoption, given unified opposition from Democrats. This reality left several Republicans questioning whether the whole effort was DOA before the measure could formally reach the Senate.
Outgoing Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas), in an interview, pointed to McConnell’s absence and the pushback from corners of the conference, adding, “I don’t know whether the votes are [there] for a reconciliation bill in the Senate.”
The Senate will be in town for two more weeks before they leave for their own August recess, and GOP leaders are not at this point committing to trying to advance the resolution before they break for the month. Instead, Thune this week said he would hold the budget resolution in reserve until the government is funded ahead of a Sept. 30 deadline to avoid a shutdown.
But if they punt it until the fall, Republicans are also skeptical they would advance the budget resolution when they return in September given the even closer proximity of the midterms, according to two people granted anonymity to speak candidly.
Asked Wednesday how close he was to having the 50 votes necessary to proceed on the Senate floor, Thune quipped: “Good question.”
Instead, Senate GOP leaders are focused, for now, on trying to get the government funded before the shutdown deadline, with ongoing bipartisan talks in the Senate around a possible deal for moving a short-term continuing resolution.
“Our goal is to make sure we have government funded, and we want to get a continuing resolution done. …That’s number one,” Senate Majority Whip John Barrasso said in an interview.
As for moving a budget resolution, the Wyoming Republican said that many GOP senators were still waiting to see the details.
“The speaker has said that what they would send would be irresistible to the Senate, and I think a lot of us want to see exactly what they’re sending, if anything is for or not, and what’s in it,” Barrasso said shortly before the House successfully adopted its proposal.
But Sen. Ron Johnson of Wisconsin, Republicans’ newly appointed Budget Committee chair, warned in an interview that he believes that the Senate needs to adopt a budget resolution before leaving town or they won’t be able to get a third reconciliation bill done at all.
“If we’re serious about a reconciliation package we’re going to have to take the first steps before the August recess, just to give yourself any chance to do it before the end of the year,” Johnson said.
But pressed if he thought that 50 Senate Republicans were serious about wanting to do a third bill, Johnson said, “We literally have not had an organized conversation about reconciliation yet.”
The lackluster response toward the House’s budget blueprint among many Senate Republicans comes after House Republicans and Trump officials largely took the lead in drafting the resolution. Senate Republicans have kvetched privately for weeks that they view the House effort as a midterm messaging exercise rather than a sincere attempt to legislate given the lack of cross-chamber coordination.
The speaker declined to comment when asked Wednesday if he had talked to Thune about the process from here: “I’m not answering any questions right now.”
Thune, who meets with Johnson weekly when the two chambers are both in session, hasn’t completely closed the door to making a third run at a reconciliation bill — but he questioned last week, “is the juice worth the squeeze?”
He added Tuesday that while he thought most Republicans supported military funding, “there are some concerns about whether it will be offset, about whether it will be paid for. There are concerns … about, ‘is it enough?’”
Several Senate GOP deficit hawks — including Rick Scott of Florida, Bill Cassidy of Louisiana and Rand Paul of Kentucky — are making it clear they will want to pay for part of the bill; the House’s plan would have no new offsets. But Senate Finance Chair Mike Crapo (R-Idaho), whose panel would likely be tapped in to come up with ways to find savin`gs, said in an interview that “I’m not engaged in that right now.”
The push for expanding a third reconciliation bill to incorporate more pay-fors comes as there’s already concern among Senate Republicans that including the farm assistance, which involves the Agriculture Committee, risks letting Democrats force votes on the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program and other politically sensitive issues just months before the midterms.
If Senate Republicans ask committees to look for ways to pay for the new spending, that could balloon the debate into a much larger fight about taxes, health care and other issues.
One GOP senator, granted anonymity to speak candidly, said they were “skeptical” the Senate would advance a third reconciliation bill because some GOP colleagues “fear taking vote-a-rama votes right before the election.”
Plus, Republicans already don’t believe they will be able to get Trump’s main priority — parts of the SAVE America Act — into the bill amid pushback from some of their own members, let alone whether the provisions would adhere to the chamber’s strict rules for what can be included under the reconciliation process.
Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.), who isn’t seeking reelection, warned from the Senate floor last week that he would “use every device I have available to slow down the wheels of government” if a reconciliation bill comes over from the House with components of the SAVE America Act included.
“Do the math,” he added.
And then there are the Senate appropriators, who are not sold on doing a third reconciliation bill that could eat away at the power of their committee.
“I have made it very clear that I think we’re going to need a 60-day CR,” said Senate Appropriations Chair Susan Collins (R-Maine), who is up for reelection in November. “I’m not a fan of pursuing reconciliation.”
Meredith Lee Hill contributed to this report.
Congress
Some Republicans aren’t as ready as Trump to embrace Iraq’s new leader
A number of congressional Republicans are worried Iraq’s new leader won’t be the partner the U.S. needs in an increasingly turbulent Middle East.
Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi met with both President Donald Trump and a slew of lawmakers last week in Washington — his first international trip since taking office. But those on Blue Light News came away from the visit with more skepticism and reservations than Trump, who praised al-Zaidi’s leadership in their meeting.
“Iraqi leaders have fooled us in the past and so far, I have no reason to believe this one will be different,” Rep. Joe Wilson (R-S.C.) said. “I am afraid that the so-called militia disarmament that the prime minister keeps promising will simply be Iran-backed militia members switching jerseys from terrorist uniforms to the Iraqi government.”
Wilson, a prominent advocate for severing Iranian ties with Iraq, said he supports the president’s effort to strengthen the relationship with Baghdad, but argues Iraq’s promises must be met with caution.
The success of Iraq’s new prime minister matters greatly to Washington. Amid the Iran war, the White House has pushed to bridge relations with another Gulf state where ties have long been strained. But before al-Zaidi can become the ally the U.S. hopes for, he needs to address the threat posed by Iran-backed militias, whose attacks have persisted in his country during the war.
Al-Zaidi is saying — and doing — a number of things that are winning him plaudits in Washington.
During his visit, al-Zaidi said his government will honor the Sept. 30 deadline Iraq has set to disarm all Iran-backed and non-state armed groups. And under al-Zaidi, there have been some early signs of progress. The leaders of three major militia groups in the region have already pledged that they will disarm.
But on the ground, the picture remains more complicated. Since the start of the Iran war, many other militias have escalated their attacks, launching strikes targeting U.S. diplomatic and military sites, as well as other public infrastructure in Baghdad.
Rep. Tim Burchett (R-Tenn.), a member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, said he didn’t get the answers he needed from al-Zaidi during his visit last week.
“ To me personally, it was disappointing. He didn’t answer any questions, and I just didn’t get much from it,” Burchett said. He added he hopes that al-Zaidi can meet the Sept. 30 deadline to disarm Iraq’s militias, but acknowledged the steep challenge ahead. “It’ll be difficult,” Burchett said. “I sure hope he can.”
It doesn’t help al-Zaidi’s case that he attended the funeral procession of Iran’s late Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei this month, fueling concerns among some U.S. lawmakers of Baghdad’s continued allegiance with Tehran.
“This does not inspire confidence in Iraqi leaders,” Wilson said, referring to al-Zaidi’s attendance at the funeral procession.
The episode shows the delicate balancing act al-Zaidi faces as he seeks to maintain close ties with both Washington and Tehran. But he also has a balancing act in Washington.
Even lawmakers who left the meeting encouraged by the prime minister’s remarks noted major obstacles ahead.
Rep. Keith Self (R-Texas), a member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, said Iran-backed militias in Iraq are “always a concern” and noted that al-Zaidi has significant “history to overcome” to come to terms with Washington.
When asked to comment on the lawmakers’ concerns, a White House spokesperson referred to Trump’s previous comments on al-Zaidi.
“This man is going to be a great leader in the Middle East, beyond Iraq. His influence is going to spread all throughout the Middle East,” Trump said during their meeting last week.
Iraq’s embassy in Washington didn’t respond to a request for comment.
Victoria Taylor, an Iraq analyst at the Atlantic Council, said a key mission for al-Zaidi’s visit was to charm Trump, “and I think he can really say the mission accomplished there.”
“Where the visit was less successful was really with other elements of Washington, including on Blue Light News, where understandably many congressmen are eager to really see more action and more details before they’re willing to give him the kind of effusive stamp of approval that he received from the Trump team.”
Trump’s support for al-Zaidi, a 40-year-old banker with no prior political experience, has been consistent. The president threw his support behind al-Zaidi after the country’s parliamentary elections last year, even threatening to cut off U.S. support to Iraq if another candidate was elected.
Al-Zaidi was seen as a consensus candidate and a more neutral pick amid Iraq’s political factions. He also used his trip to advance Baghdad’s economic agenda, leading the signing of several memorandums of understanding as Iraq looks for alternative export routes and ways to relieve the economic impact of disruptions to its oil business through the Strait of Hormuz.
U.S. envoy to Iraq Tom Barrack has made it clear that the administration is hoping to help al-Zaidi in these endeavors.
“What you’re going to find today is this young leader, who we need support with your thoughts, with your confidence, with your businesses, has the ability to change the fabric of the 23-year unbelievable adventure that we have had with Iraq,” Barrack said during the U.S.-Iraq Business Summit on Friday.
Congress
Lisa Murkowski is undecided on Blanche’s confirmation. Her state is getting a windfall from DOJ.
The Justice Department has been lavishing nine-figure policy wins on Alaska — and openly touting what a “huge” time it’s been for the state — as attorney general nominee Todd Blanche is scrambling to lock down support for his confirmation from its senior senator, Republican Lisa Murkowski.
A July 7 settlementover the federal government’s unfinished work on the port of Alaska resulted in a $180 million payout to Anchorage — an announcementBlanche, who is currently the acting attorney general, made personally during a two-day visit. The Justice Department shared news around the same time it had dropped Biden-era lawsuits related to Alaska’s energy production.
Then on Tuesday, the administration inked a $400 million settlementwith a group that administers health care programs for American Indians and Alaska natives.
“The wins keep coming for the American people in Alaska,” Associate Attorney General Stanley Woodward declared last week, after announcing yet another win for the state: a $6.1 million award to tribal governments to combat violent crime.
Those developments all coincide with Blanche’s effort to court Republican senators to vote for his nomination as he deals with blowback over the botched release of the Jeffrey Epstein files, which he oversaw as deputy attorney general, followed by the launch of a $1.8 billion “anti-weaponization fund” — which he has since said is dead.
President Donald Trump formally nominated Blanche for the top job at the Justice Department on June 8, and Blanche has been meeting with senators ever since. Those meetings have included at least two with Murkowski — one in June and one earlier this week.
Right before Blanche’s confirmation hearing last week, Murkowski said she was hopeful for “specific follow-ups” from the nominee. She noted that she had some concerns about Blanche serving previously as Trump’s personal attorney and that she was interested to hear how Blanche’s visit to Alaska went.
“So I’ve got some follow-ons that I want to visit with him about. He was able to get out to one of our smaller, isolated … villages where there’s very limited public safety. [I] want to gain his impressions,” Murkowski told reporters at the time.
She acknowledged Tuesday that she was continuing to have conversations with Blanche. But the moderate lawmaker and frequent Trump critic did not tip her hand about how she might vote — a warning sign for GOP leaders who currently can’t afford more than two defections on their side of the aisle, assuming all Democrats vote “no.”
In the Senate Judiciary Committee, just a single GOP vote against Blanche would stop him from advancing to the floor if every Democrat on the panel opposes him. And right now there are two Republican senators — John Cornyn of Texas and Thom Tills of North Carolina — who have not committed to voting ‘yes.”
Blanche has already shown a willingness to jump through hoops to shore up support for his confirmation. Shortly after Tillis said he wouldn’t vote for Blanche until he met with Epstein’s victims face-to-face, the acting attorney general followed through.
He has also been working draft legislative language declaring the “anti-weaponization fund” officially dead in a bid to satisfy Tillis as well as Cornyn, who both said they need this guarantee in writing.
While Justice Department officials have been eager to tout the big Alaska policy breakthroughs, they haven’t explicitly disclosed any connection to wooing Murkowski’s vote. They also note that their work on Alaskan priorities has stretched back well before Blanche’s nomination, that senior DOJ officials frequently travel to offices around the country and that the Alaska trip had been scheduled earlier and then rebooked for July.
“The Department has been litigating these cases for years,” a DOJ spokesperson said in a statement. “Unlike under the Biden administration, this Department will always choose results over costly and inefficient litigation. The Acting Attorney General enjoyed his trip to Alaska earlier this month where he learned about the unique challenges facing those communities.”
In a statement Wednesday, Murkowski’s spokesperson, Joe Plesha, said that if Blanche is reported out of the Judiciary Committee, the senator “will evaluate [him] in the same way she evaluates every nominee: by reviewing his hearing and determining whether he has the appropriate qualifications, experience, temperament, and independence necessary for this important role.”
Murkowski is one of the few genuine swing votes in the Senate with a history of leveraging her vote across presidencies to win big time policy concessions and victories for her constituents.
In 2023, she was instrumental in pushing the Biden administration to move forward with a massive ConocoPhillips enterprise in Alaska estimated to produce 180,000 barrels of oil a day and generate billions in new revenue to the state. Murkowski attributed the administration’s concession to her yearslong strategy of breaking with her party to vote for key Biden nominees and legislative priorities.
As recently as last year, she was persuaded to vote for the GOP’s massive tax and spending megabill and its deep cuts to social safety net programs in part because the final package mandated new lease sales for drilling across the state and extra funding for Alaska’s rural hospitals.
And when she was helping hold up an appropriations bill in committee in a dispute over the location of FBI headquarters, one Republican senator — granted anonymity to speak candidly — joked they had considered offering an amendment to move the agency’s main building to Alaska to see if that got her to cooperate.
Plesha, in his statement, said Murkowski “appreciates Mr. Blanche’s recent trip to Alaska and his willingness to take up her request to travel beyond the road system to understand the public safety challenges that rural communities face. She also welcomes recent settlements with the Department of Justice to resolve longstanding federal deficiencies, come into compliance with Supreme Court precedent, and improve Alaskans’ quality of life.”
“These actions would all be appropriate no matter who is Attorney General,” Plesha added.
Jordain Carney contributed to this report.
Congress
Senate Commerce pushes AI markup plan to August
Senate Commerce Chair Ted Cruz (R-Texas) is postponing his highly anticipated artificial intelligence and kids online safety markup, with a tentative plan to hold it the week of Aug. 3, a committee aide confirmed Wednesday.
Cruz had earlier been eyeing July 29 for the markup. Cruz said earlier Wednesday the markup schedule was “still in flux” as the agenda comes together. In recent weeks, he has been soliciting input from committee members on what legislation should be included.
Republican senators are rushing to advance AI legislation before the August recess. Per Senate rules, an advisory with the list of bills has to be published a week in advance.
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