Congress
Mike Johnson sticks to no-show shutdown strategy as resistance mounts
For Mike Johnson, not showing up is the entire battle.
The speaker made clear Thursday — eight days into the government shutdown — he is committed to keeping the House out of session as long as it takes to pressure Senate Democrats to act on the stopgap funding bill his chamber passed three weeks ago.
Johnson is holding firm on the indefinite recess strategy even as pressure mounts inside his own conference to bring members back to Washington, with more and more GOP lawmakers prodding him to change course.
“There is absolutely no reason for the House to be out of session — it’s embarrassing,” Rep. Kevin Kiley (R-Calif.) said in an interview. “The government is shut down, Americans are losing access to critical services, workers are being furloughed and the House isn’t even in Washington.”
Dozens of House Republicans are begging Johnson to reconvene the House to advance a standalone bill to pay troops during the shutdown, so active-duty servicemembers don’t miss their paychecks Oct. 15. That includes Rep. Elise Stefanik of New York — a member of Johnson’s own leadership team.
Senior House Republicans and leadership aides are mindful of the growing unrest. But they fear the alternative: Bringing members back to Washington without a resolution to the shutdown in hand, they believe, would invite chaos.
“We’d have people tearing each other from limb to limb,” said one senior GOP aide granted anonymity to speak candidly about internal party thinking.
Johnson, who clashed in the hallway this week with two Democratic senators over the shutdown, acknowledged those concerns Thursday.
“Emotions are high. People are upset — I’m upset,” he said. “Is it better for them, probably, to be physically separated right now? Yeah, it probably is, frankly.”
GOP leaders have drawn a hard line on a variety of tactics their members have proposed. But some in the GOP who were already wary of the looming troop pay deadline were rattled by the speaker’s remarkable C-SPAN exchange with a Republican military mom Thursday morning, in which she begged him to advance the standalone troop pay bill, warning her medically fragile children “could die.”
“I don’t think it’s going to be any consolation to members of our military who miss paychecks to say, ‘Oh well, it is the Senate’s fault,’” Kiley said.
But Johnson counseled Republicans to say exactly that in a private call Thursday, saying the best message would be to tell voters “we’ve done our job” and now the onus is on Senate Democrats to reopen the government.
One option being pushed by the group concerned about troop pay is to try to pass that legislation by unanimous consent on the floor during Friday’s pro forma session, which would not require calling members back to Washington.
“If we have a way to make sure our troops get their paychecks, we should pursue that,” Kiley said.
GOP Reps. Jay Obernolte of California and Julie Fedorchak of North Dakota warned the speaker directly on the Thursday call about the political fallout of keeping the House in recess as the Senate standoff continues.
At least one Senate Republican shared that sentiment: “I think you’ve got to be here,” Sen. Thom Tillis of North Carolina said. “The leadership of the House and other members, I think they should be here.”
But some in the House GOP fired back across the Capitol, arguing Senate Republicans should simply go “nuclear” and change their chamber’s rules to pass the House continuing resolution with a simple majority vote.
“You need to get rid of this cloture vote so you can do what the American people want us to do,” Rep. John Rutherford (R-Fla.) said. Senate Majority Leader John Thune ruled out that possibility Thursday.
The back-and-forth among Republicans underscored the risks for Johnson of bringing all 432 members back to town. Not only would he have to contend with a barrage of potential off-message comments about the shutdown, he would have to tackle the Jeffrey Epstein saga — with his promised swearing-in of Rep.-elect Adelita Grijalva (D-Ariz.) likely forcing a long-awaited floor vote on the late sex offender.
Rutherford is one of many rank-and-file House Republicans who are backing up Johnson’s strategy, arguing there’s no reason at the moment to bring members back. Rutherford, a GOP appropriator, said “there’s nothing to do.” That includes the nine fiscal 2026 appropriations bills the House still needs to pass — because, he said, lawmakers have not yet reached a topline agreement with the Senate on how much those bills will spend.
But then there is Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.), a MAGA stalwart who has taken the rare step of openly bashing Johnson’s strategy — and backing up Democrats’ focus on an impending health care “crisis.” Her critical comments have incensed many of the speaker’s leadership allies and rank-and-file Republicans alike.
“I’m not putting the blame” on President Donald Trump, she said in a BLN interview Thursday. “I’m actually putting the blame on the speaker and Leader Thune in the Senate. This should not be happening.”
Trump’s interests, however, continue complicating matters for Republicans on Capitol Hill. While Johnson and Thune try to pin servicemembers’ potential missed Oct. 15 paychecks on Democrats, the president has publicly promised this week that he wouldn’t let troops go unpaid. White House officials privately say they are considering how to shift funds to ensure the checks go out.
One Senate Republican said Thursday night their understanding for now is “the White House is going to take care of it.”
GOP leadership circles have been increasingly frustrated by the White House position, according to three people granted anonymity to discuss private sentiments. But among those House Republicans supporting White House action include Rep. Mike Bost of Illinois, the Veterans Affairs Committee chair.
“If we find that there’s a way that the administration can do it, then more power to them,” said Bost. “But right now, [Democrats] all of a sudden, asking us to take a vote we’ve already made three weeks ago makes no sense.”
Congress
The House Ethics Committee wants to do better
Three lawmakers accused of serious ethical lapses have been forced to resign in just over a week, prompting even members of the House Ethics Committee to question whether the panel is up to the task of policing its own.
The committee is at a moment of reckoning as it seeks to prove itself ready, willing and able to root out bad behavior in its ranks. It’s spent the past year and a half rebuilding its reputation after internal disagreements about how to handle an ethics report over ex-Rep. Matt Gaetz spilled into the public and threatened the bipartisan panel’s credibility.
Now, amid the high-profile resignations of Rep. Eric Swalwell (D-Calif.), Tony Gonzales (R-Texas) and Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick (D-Fla.), members who sit on the highly secretive committee are opening up — eager to share their perspectives, acknowledge their limitations and defend their work.
“The reality is we are still too slow, and I believe that we should be moving faster. I’ve expressed some of my recommendations on how we can do that to staff,” said Rep. Suhas Subramanyam (D-Va.), who joined the Ethics Committee this Congress, in an interview. “I want people to take the Ethics Committee more seriously.”
In extended interviews Monday and Tuesday, Ethics Chair Michael Guest (R-Miss.) said his panel is hamstrung by the House’s institutional bureaucracy.
“I’ve been asked, you know, could the Ethics Committee, if there were additional resources provided to the committee, would that help us move cases through quickly? And of course, the answer to that is yes,” Guest said. “But you know, it has to be up to leadership. It has to be up to the Speaker and the Minority Leader as to the size of the staff that they would like to see the Ethics Committee command.”
Their comments come amid questions around how Gonzales and Swalwell were able to serve in office for so long unchecked: Both were accused of engaging in sexual misconduct with former staffers, with Swalwell accused of rape. Each stepped down before the Ethics Committee ever had a chance to render findings of fault and enact punishments.
Cherfilus-McCormick also resigned moments before the Ethics Committee was due to meet Tuesday afternoon to consider a punishment for a determination that she illicitly funneled millions to support her campaign, which could have culminated in a recommendation of expulsion.
Now attention is turning to Rep. Cory Mills (R-Fla.), who stands accused of numerous violations, including illicitly engaging in government contracts while in federal office and threatening to release a former girlfriend’s nude videos. He has maintained he has no plans to resign as his case before the Ethics Committee has languished without resolution.
In November, the House Ethics panel quietly requested the Office of Congressional Conduct — the quasi-independent office that fields and investigates complaints against members and staff from the public — to drop its probe into Mills, according to a person with knowledge of the ethics process who was granted anonymity to describe the confidential process. That message was transmitted to the OCC the same day the House voted to effectively table a resolution offered by Rep. Nancy Mace (R-S.C.) to censure Mills for various alleged improprieties.
The OCC was established in 2008 by then-Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.), and proponents say it provides a necessary, largely independent set of eyes — including on ongoing investigations. Critics view the OCC as an untrustworthy political group; it sat defanged for months this Congress before Speaker Mike Johnson brought a perfunctory measure to the House floor that set up its ability to launch investigations by appointing its board.
Guest declined to discuss details of the Mills case but did not deny that such a request had been made, saying it was standard practice for Ethics to take the reins on a probe from OCC “once an investigative subcommittee is established.”
He conceded the Ethics Committee at times may operate slower than some would like, but its process was deliberate and thorough. “If members want this to be a rush committee where we have two weeks to come up with a report and return that report back to the body, then I’m not the right person to be serving in that room.”
He did say he hoped to discuss with Johnson how to improve the panel’s operations. One continued challenge for members is the loss of jurisdiction once a lawmaker resigns from Congress, which has historically meant the committee stops its investigation and does not release a report of its findings. Guest proposed a new policy where a report could be made public upon a lawmaker’s resignation, meaning bad actors could not always leave office in order to hide from revelations about their misdeeds.
Rep. Mark DeSaulnier of California, the top Democrat on the Ethics Committee, said the committee could better handle cases of sexual misconduct and has spoken to Democratic leadership about modernizing the panel.
“I think on sexual harassment, [the] thing that occurs to me is that there should be one place to go that’s clear to report, that has enough staff, and they’re been very well trained in the subject area, so that people feel like there’s a place they can go and be safe, protected,” he said. “And then there’s a due process that responds in a way that is deliberative, but under the urgency of circumstances.”
This is an area where the Ethics Committee has, in recent weeks, found itself struggling to respond to public pressure. When the House was poised in March to vote on a measure brought by Mace that would have compelled the committee to make information on sexual harassment claims public, Guest and DeSaulnier said in a statement it would have a chilling effect for victims. The resolution was ultimately tabled.
On Monday, the panel released a statement reaffirming its commitment to taking allegations of sexual misconduct seriously — and a list of publicly disclosed sexual misconduct investigations dating back to 1976. Many of those cases were closed without resolution because the member under scrutiny resigned from office before the committee could conclude the case.
One lawmaker who has served on the Ethics Committee, who requested anonymity to describe the panel’s private operations, argued that disclosure of sexual misconduct cases can harm potential victims who may not want their cases brought before the panel in the first place.
This explanation is largely falling on deaf ears from members who want more transparency and accountability, though, with Rep. Anna Paulina Luna (R-Fla.) calling the Monday release of previously disclosed sexual misconduct allegations against House members an inadequate “cleanup job.”
Rep. Glenn Ivey (D-Md.), a member of the Ethics Committee and a former federal prosecutor, suggested that improving the panel’s internal systems for handling sexual harassment claims might be a lost cause.
“I think the ugly truth is there’s no process that handles this well that I’ve seen, whether it’s state courts, federal courts, internal corporate investigations, Congress or the Senate,” he said.
Congress
Senate launches budget debate
Senate Republicans opened debate Tuesday on a fiscal blueprint meant to pave the way for passage of a party-line immigration enforcement funding bill later this year.
The Senate voted 52-46 to advance the budget resolution, which Budget Chair Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) unveiled earlier Tuesday. It instructs House and Senate committees to write legislation expected to deliver about $70 billion to Immigration and Customs Enforcement and other agencies.
The Senate is expected to give the measure final approval this week before leaving town. The chamber could move to a marathon voting session, known as a vote-a-rama, as soon as Wednesday, though plenty of Republicans are betting that it won’t start until Thursday.
Congress
Cherfilus-McCormick resigns amid ethics investigation
Rep. Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick (D-Fla.) has resigned in the face of corruption charges at home and calls for her ouster in Washington, she announced in a statement on Tuesday.
News broke minutes before the House Ethics Committee was about to meet for a public hearing Tuesday afternoon to determine a punishment for the third-term Democrat, who was charged with stealing $5 million in Covid relief funds.
Cherfilus-McCormick said in a statement the Ethics proceedings did not constitute a “fair process” and that she was “choos[ing] to step aside” rather than “play these political games.”
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