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Meet the YOLO Republicans: Lawmakers with nothing to lose are threatening Trump’s grip on Congress

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President Donald Trump spent the past year using fear and intimidation to keep Hill Republicans in line, with considerable success. Now those tactics are starting to lose their bite — thanks to a small group of Republicans with nothing to lose.

The reasons why this handful of GOP lawmakers feel empowered to spurn their president and their party vary. But they are launching mini-rebellions with increasing frequency. It’s causing headaches for party leaders who want to keep tight control of the legislative agenda in an election year and anxiety among rank-and-file Republicans who are facing intense pressure to stick with Trump.

“Some people live in fear,” said Rep. Don Bacon, a retiring Nebraska Republican who was at the center of a crucial episode this past week, where he and two colleagues joined with Democrats to force House votes on Trump’s controversial tariffs.

When a vote to overturn his Canada levies came to the floor Wednesday, “I was in the cloakroom, and I heard people say, ‘I hate tariffs,’ and then voted” to leave them in place, Bacon recalled. Were it not for threats of retaliation from Trump and a heavy White House lobbying campaign, he estimated “30 or 40” Republicans would have broken ranks.

In the end, only six did. But thanks to the thin margins in both chambers — especially the House — a few steel-spined lawmakers can have an outsized impact. That’s a change from the dynamics in Trump’s first term, when many House Republicans weren’t fully on board with the president’s MAGA agenda, but the GOP had a much larger majority to work with.

Just ask Rep. Thomas Massie of Kentucky, who has gone from an occasional annoyance to Republican leaders to a persistent problem in the 119th Congress.

“The margin is razor-thin, so on any given day, I would just need one or two of my own co-conspirators to get something done,” Massie said in an interview before predicting the situation will only get worse for Trump.

“The retirement caucus is growing,” he said, referring to the dozens of members not seeking reelection to the House. “Once we get past March, April, and May, which contain a large portion of their Republican primaries, I think you’re going to see more defections.”

Those who have not defected are losing patience with their colleagues, with many arguing it is only hurting the GOP’s chances in the upcoming midterms.

“Certainly, I respect their right to be independent,” said Republican Rep. Buddy Carter, who is running for Senate in Georgia. “But you know, this is a team game. We got to remember that.”

One House Republican who was granted anonymity to speak candidly complained about a faction that “just wants to go rogue” while putting colleagues in a politically difficult spot — such as with the tariff vote this week.

“Those guys might lose now,” the lawmaker said of the House GOP’s most vulnerable members.

As voting was underway on the tariff measure this week, Trump publicly threatened to support primary challengers and enact other “consequences” against the members who didn’t fall in line. To some degree it worked — predictions of a mass GOP jailbreak didn’t materialize.

But enough members with some political insulation defected, allowing the measure to advance through the House and onto the Senate, which is likely to approve it and set up a Trump veto. Bacon and Rep. Dan Newhouse of Washington are retiring, freeing them from concerns about primary threats.

Meanwhile, Reps. Brian Fitzpatrick of Pennsylvania and Jeff Hurd of Colorado are in competitive districts that Republicans can’t afford to lose, putting pressure on the duo to show independence from their party. Rep. Kevin Kiley’s California district got blown up as part of Trump’s redistricting war. And Massie has long been accustomed to being at odds with party leaders, with his campaign to pry open the Jeffrey Epstein files sparking open warfare with the White House.

Some have doubts that a larger group of Republicans will ever break dramatically with Trump, given his durable popularity with the party base and the need for GOP candidates even in purple districts to appeal to the president’s loyalists.

One test will come later this year when Trump hits the midterm campaign trail, said Sam Geduldig, a lobbyist at CGCN Group and former House leadership aide.

“I would be surprised if a candidate didn’t want him at a rally, and that speaks to Trump’s strength,” he said. “If he can do that, it says a lot. In 2006, no one wanted [former President] George W. Bush in their district — not in conservative districts, not in moderate ones. If you’re measuring him against modern Republican presidents, he looks strong by comparison.”

Over in the Senate, Trump already has a fraught relationship with some GOP senators, like Maine’s Susan Collins and Alaska’s Lisa Murkowski, and there is generally a stronger culture of lawmaker independence. But Trump’s decision to essentially send Sen. Thom Tillis of North Carolina into retirement has introduced a new wild card in the chamber’s dynamics.

Tillis announced he would not seek reelection after voting to oppose Trump’s signature “big, beautiful bill” and warning the Medicaid cuts in the party-line policy package would be a political death knell for the GOP. Now Tillis is frequently speaking out against Trump and is single-handedly blocking his Federal Reserve nominees until a Justice Department investigation into Fed Chair Jerome Powell is resolved.

Some members are also eyeing GOP Sen. Bill Cassidy of Louisiana as a freer agent after Trump went ahead and endorsed an opponent in the May 16 primary. Asked about Trump’s threats to lawmakers, Tillis suggested they could easily backfire.

“I still maintain a good relationship with him … but I think we need to check our passions at the door,” he said this week.

Hurd, the Colorado moderate who voted to cancel the Canada tariffs and is facing a more conservative primary challenger, said he would “let the president’s statement speak for itself.”

But Hurd prevailed in 2024 without Trump’s endorsement and is in a competitive enough district that Trump can’t afford to meddle too much. The district was decided by 546 votes in 2022, when GOP Rep. Lauren Boebert narrowly held onto the seat.

“If they want to come to a district where Trump is underwater and push for tariffs in an agriculture- and manufacturing-heavy area, fine — that’s not going to work,” said a person granted anonymity to candidly discuss party strategy. “If they want to lose the majority and play in these primaries, then go ahead.”

Speaker Mike Johnson, meanwhile, has his hands full just keeping his majority intact. He currently can afford to lose only a single GOP member on party-line votes, and while upcoming special elections could boost that margin slightly, things are likely to remain super tight.

Johnson this week said he had urged one Republican battling health issues, Rep. Neal Dunn of Florida, to stick it out and finish his term amid concerns he might resign early.

Dunn declined to comment on his plans, but a close friend of his, Rep. Joe Wilson (R-S.C.), said he had jokingly told Dunn he would like to be helpful amid all the floor unrest.

“I did offer to carry him into the chamber,” Wilson said.

Jordain Carney, Mia McCarthy and Alex Gangitano contributed to this report.

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Congress

Capitol Agenda: GOP leaders plot quick end to DHS shutdown

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The Department of Homeland Security has been shut down for 59 days. GOP leaders are meeting Tuesday hoping to hash out next steps for a funding plan to quickly end it.

Senate Majority Leader John Thune and Speaker Mike Johnson will get together for their weekly meeting as Republicans stare down President Donald Trump’s June 1 deadline to pass a party-line reconciliation bill that would restore lapsed DHS dollars for immigration enforcement.

Thune said Monday he would pursue an “anorexic” measure narrowly focused on Immigration and Customs Enforcement and Border Patrol. Republicans hope that path will allow them to bypass Democrats while skipping months of agonizing infighting — as they endured before enacting last year’s tax-cuts-focused megabill.

But Thune is having a hard time getting unanimous buy-in from his own conference.

Sen. Rick Scott insisted Monday on spending cuts to offset new enforcement funding. Sen. Tommy Tuberville said he wants to include money for the military and other GOP priorities. And Sen. John Kennedy argued parts of a hot-button GOP elections bill should be in the mix.

Things will be even tougher across the Capitol, where some in the House’s right flank are insisting Republicans fund all of DHS through the filibuster-skirting reconciliation process — not just ICE and Border Patrol.

Rep. Chip Roy, a ringleader inside the band of conservatives threatening the GOP leadership’s plan, chided Thune’s “very skinny” vision for the immigration funding bill.

“Well – he isn’t the only voice in this, is he?” Roy wrote on X. “We should move other priorities with ALL of DHS… we’re running out of time to deliver and to clean up these repeated swamp messes.”

Senate Republican leaders are planning to move forward quickly nonetheless. Senate Budget Chair Lindsey Graham could release a fiscal blueprint for the reconciliation bill Thune outlined as soon as Tuesday. Graham is also expected to skip a committee vote on that blueprint, according to three people granted anonymity to describe private planning, and instead bring the budget resolution straight to the floor as soon as next week.

Senate Appropriations Chair Susan Collins said her committee has been giving “technical assistance” to Graham’s panel while lamenting the breakdown in the regular-order appropriations process.

“It obviously would have been better if we came up with a bipartisan compromise,” she told reporters Monday.

What else we’re watching: 

— Clock ticking on spy powers: House GOP leaders are forging ahead with plans to pass a “clean,” 18 month extension of government spy powers due to expire next week. House Rules will meet Tuesday to pave the way for floor consideration of a bill to reauthorize Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, but it’s unclear if Johnson has support for the next procedural vote on the floor.

Political exit plan calculus: Leaders of both parties will be watching carefully for exact exit plans from Reps. Eric Swalwell and Tony Gonzales after the lawmakers announced resignations within an hour of each other Monday amid sexual misconduct allegations. Gonzales said he would formally resign Tuesday.

— War powers to fail—for now: Senate Republicans are unlikely to shore up the support to help Democrats adopt a resolution as soon as Wednesday that would put limits on Trump’s military operation in the Middle East. But some could change their minds in a few weeks when the conflict reaches the 60 day mark.

Jordain Carney contributed to this report.

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GOP leaders prepare to steamroll opponents of DHS funding plan

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Conservative lawmakers are throwing up roadblocks to a GOP-only immigration enforcement funding plan. But party leaders are hitting the gas anyway, hoping to quickly flatten any skeptics as they race to meet a June 1 deadline set by President Donald Trump.

At stake is the final endgame of the 58-day-and-counting Department of Homeland Security shutdown. The Senate has passed the biggest piece of the funding puzzle, and top GOP leaders are now embarking on the multistep budget reconciliation process to sidestep Democratic opposition and fund enforcement agencies for the rest of Trump’s term.

Senate Majority Leader John Thune said Monday he would pursue an “anorexic” bill narrowly focused on Immigration and Customs Enforcement and Border Patrol. Republicans hope that will allow them to skip months of agonizing infighting — as they endured before enacting last year’s tax-cuts-focused megabill.

Still, some agony looms.

Sen. Rick Scott (R-Fla.) insisted Monday on spending cuts to offset the new enforcement funding. Sen. Tommy Tuberville (R-Ala.) said he wants to include money for the military and other GOP priorities. Sen. John Kennedy (R-La.) argued parts of a hot-button GOP elections bill should be in the mix. And across the Capitol, the House’s right flank insisted Republicans fund all of DHS through the party-line process — not just ICE and Border Patrol.

Thune and Speaker Mike Johnson are expected to discuss the path forward during their private weekly meeting Tuesday. The House is stalling for now on the bipartisan Senate-passed bill that would fund the bulk of DHS, waiting for progress on the second bill under discussion.

Even Kennedy, who said it was a “mistake” not to include parts of the SAVE America Act in any upcoming reconciliation measure, warned Thune against expanding its scope.

“If he starts making deals with individual senators … then he’ll have an avalanche on his hands,” he said. “I know a number of senators who will take a run at Thune and say, ‘Look, you’ll only get my vote if you include my stuff in it.’ Well, if he starts that, then I’ve got some of my own stuff.”

The ultimatums could start pouring in as soon as the Senate GOP’s closed-door Tuesday lunch, when Thune and Senate Budget Chair Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) will get the chance to talk through the plan with their colleagues.

The first step will be for Republicans to take up a budget resolution — a fiscal blueprint for the party-line legislation, which Graham’s committee could release as soon as Tuesday. That blueprint is expected to task the Senate Judiciary Committee and Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee with drafting legislation that would fund immigration enforcement agencies for the rest of Trump’s term.

Typically reconciliation bills include at least some attempt to offset new spending with other savings or revenue. But GOP leaders are ready to argue that won’t be necessary in this instance since it involves funding that would have gone through the appropriations process — had Democrats not insisted on enforcement policy restrictions after federal agents shot and killed two Minneapolis residents in January.

Thune also warned Monday that expanding the bill by instructing additional committees — such as the Finance panel, which deals with taxes and federal health programs — would expose Republican senators to politically tough votes that could threaten the overall package. Any amendment that is germane to a reconciliation bill and under the jurisdiction of the instructed committees is eligible for a simple-majority vote — and the minority party aims to use those “vote-a-ramas” to put the majority on the spot.

“It gets really complicated procedurally, politically, and so, you know, to execute on it — to do it with any speed — you’ve got [to] keep it really tight,” Thune said.

In a sign of just how fast Senate Republicans want to move, Graham is expected to skip a committee vote on the fiscal blueprint for the reconciliation bill, according to three people granted anonymity to describe private planning. While Graham indicated Monday he still hasn’t made a final decision, going straight to the floor would deny Budget committee members, including Scott and Kennedy, a first bite at making any potential changes.

Instead, Republicans are aiming to bring the budget resolution straight to the floor as soon as next week. That would give the House time to adopt it before both chambers are scheduled for a recess in early May, though it’s possible that timeline could slip — especially if Republicans also struggle to meet an April 20 deadline to extend a key surveillance program.

To get the budget blueprint or the subsequent reconciliation bill through the Senate, Thune can lose as many as three GOP senators, with Vice President JD Vance breaking a possible tie.

Republicans are closely watching one of their own committee chairs who will be tasked with helping write the bill, Sen. Rand Paul of Kentucky. He didn’t say how he would handle the budget resolution Monday but told reporters that he generally supports “spending less money, not more.”

Besides the grumbling from fiscal hawks, there are also Republican senators who are skeptical of any new reconciliation bill — especially appropriators concerned that the party-line approach is encroaching on their bipartisan turf.

But GOP leaders are cautiously hopeful they will be able to move quickly after months of sparring with Democrats over immigration enforcement policy frustrated many in their ranks. Senate Appropriations Chair Susan Collins (R-Maine) told reporters Monday her panel has been giving “technical assistance” to Graham’s panel while lamenting the breakdown in the appropriations process.

“It obviously would have been better if we came up with a bipartisan compromise to finish up the one remaining bill,” Collins said.

But the bigger threat could be in the House, where Republicans have an even tinier majority and a more rambunctious band of ultraconservative lawmakers.

One of their ringleaders, Rep. Chip Roy of Texas, reacted negatively to Thune’s “anorexic” vision for the funding bill Monday. He suggested funding all of DHS through a party-line reconciliation bill, not just ICE and Border Patrol.

“Well – he isn’t the only voice in this, is he?” Roy wrote on X. “We should move other priorities with ALL of DHS… we’re running out of time to deliver and to clean up these repeated swamp messes.”

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Tony Gonzales says he will resign from House

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Rep. Tony Gonzales said he plans to resign from the House Tuesday, weeks after the Texas Republican admitted to having an affair with a staff member.

“There is a season for everything and God has a plan for us all,” he said in a statement on X. “When Congress returns tomorrow, I will file my retirement from office. It has been my privilege to serve the great people of Texas.”

The Texas Republican, who previously announced he would not seek reelection due to the allegations, said he would resign outright just over an hour after Democratic Rep. Eric Swalwell of California announced he would leave his seat amid his own allegations of sexual misconduct with staff.

Gonzales is facing an Ethics Committee investigation into the alleged violations, which will be closed upon his resignation. He admitted last month to having an affair with staffer Regina Santos-Aviles, who later died by suicide.

Republican leaders previously called on Gonzales to suspend his campaign, which was headed toward a runoff against conservative influencer Brandon Herrera. But in what was widely viewed as recognition of the GOP’s tiny House margin, they had not called on him to resign while they awaited the Ethics investigation to play out.

Had he not announced his resignation, Gonzales would have faced an bipartisan expulsion effort later this week.

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