Congress
Massie, Democrats move to block U.S. strikes on Iran
Rep. Thomas Massie said Tuesday he has filed a House resolution seeking to block U.S. involvement in the burgeoning conflict between Iran and Israel.
Announcing the move on X, the Kentucky Republican said he is being joined by a coterie of Democratic co-sponsors led by Rep. Ro Khanna of California. The measure, filed pursuant to the War Powers Resolution of 1973, would block President Donald Trump from engaging in “unauthorized hostilities” with Iran.
“This is not our war. Even if it were, Congress must decide such matters according to our Constitution,” Massie wrote, posting a copy of the resolution.
Efforts to reassert congressional power in American involvement abroad can bring together strange bedfellows — in this case, a host of leading progressives and a conservative hard-liner who is a frequent thorn in GOP leaders’ sides. Sen. Tim Kaine (D-Va.) has proposed a similar resolution in the Senate, though he has yet to announce any Republican cosponsors.
Joining Khanna as co-sponsors, Massie said, are Democratic Reps. Don Beyer of Virginia, Greg Casar of Texas, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Nydia Velázquez of New York, Lloyd Doggett of Texas, Chuy Garcia and Delia Ramirez of Illinois, Pramila Jayapal of Washington, Summer Lee of Pennsylvania, Jim McGovern and Ayanna Pressley of Massachusetts, Ilhan Omar of Minnesota and Rashida Tlaib of Michigan.
Some pro-Israel lawmakers have already come out against the resolution. “If AOC and Massie are a yes, that’s a good bet that I’ll be a no,” moderate New York Rep. Lawler said Monday, referring to Ocasio-Cortez.
Khanna previously said the resolution would come up as “privileged,” meaning leaders would be forced to take it up on the floor — forcing a vote on Trump’s powers that Speaker Mike Johnson would likely prefer to avoid. Republican leaders could move to short-circuit the effort in the House Rules Committee, as they did with previous Democratic efforts to reverse Trump’s global tariffs.
Katherine Tully-McManus contributed to this report.
Congress
Dead lawmakers tweet from beyond the grave
After Zohran Mamdani’s apparent victory in the New York Democratic mayoral primary on Tuesday, former Rep. Sheila Jackson Lee (D-Texas) liked an Instagram post congratulating him on his win.
The only problem — Jackson Lee died last July.
From ghost-likes and new profile pictures to a posthumous endorsement, accounts for dead lawmakers have seemingly resurrected on social media in an unsettling trend of beyond-the-grave engagement.
“Dear White Staffers,” an anonymous account dedicated to highlighting experiences and perspectives of non-white congressional staffers, on Wednesday posted a screenshot of a notification that the late Texas representative’s account had liked the congratulatory post for Mamdani, captioning the screengrab with a quizzical emoji.
But Jackson Lee isn’t the only deceased lawmaker whose presence continues to be felt online.
Rep. Sylvester Turner, a Democrat who filled Lee’s Texas seat for a brief two months before his own passing in March 2025, appeared to change his profile picture on X three weeks after he died.
“Happy #OpeningDay!” Turner’s personal account posted on MLB Opening Day, adding the hashtag “NewProfilePic” along with a photo of the late lawmaker holding a baseball. A community guidelines note affixed by X to the post noted that “Sylvester Turner died on March 5, 2025.”
The post appeared to shock many X users, who commented on how uncanny it was to see the deceased lawmaker active on their feeds. “Grim,” one user wrote, while another asked: “So no one on his team thinks this is weird?”
Former Rep. Gerry Connolly, a Virginia Democrat who died in May, has also continued to make waves from beyond the grave, as his political social media accounts chugged back to life to notify followers that early voting had begun in the race to fill his vacant seat. Before his passing, Connolly had endorsed his former chief of staff, James Walkinshaw, to replace him, having announced that he planned to step away from Congress after his esophageal cancer returned in April.
People on Connolly’s mailing list have also reportedly continued receiving emails from the late representative’s campaign encouraging Virginians to vote for Walkinshaw in Saturday’s special election, the newsletter Chaotic Era highlighted — and directing donations to Walkinshaw’s campaign.
But after Connolly’s posthumous post came under scrutiny this week, it disappeared from the late Virginian’s page on Thursday.
Brian Garcia, communications director for Walkinshaw’s campaign, emphasized that the campaign does not direct the content posted from Connolly’s accounts. “Supervisor Walkinshaw is proud to have earned the support of Congressman Connolly before he passed away and to now have the support of the Connolly family,” he said.
The bio for Connolly’s page notes that the lawmaker died in May, and says that posts on the page are made with Connolly’s family’s consent. Turner’s account also appears to be run by his family, with the account recently posting a video featuring his daughter promoting a Houston parade he championed.
But the case of posthumous tweeting fingers isn’t a new phenomenon.
An account for political activist, brief 2012 GOP presidential primary leader and staunch Trump supporter Herman Cain resurfaced two weeks after he died in July 2020 from a weekslong battle with Covid-19. The account posted attacks at then-presidential candidate Joe Biden and pro-Trump content — as well as conspiracy theories about the virus that had taken Cain’s own life.
The posts initially appeared under Cain’s original account, bearing his name and profile picture. But his daughter shortly thereafter explained in a blog post that members of his family had taken over his social media presence and would continue posting under the new name “Cain Gang.”
The account remained active until March 2021, when it released its final post, saying “It’s time.”
How to handle the social media presence of politicians when they die is a fairly new phenomenon. If a member of the House dies, for example, their office often remains open to fulfill constituent services — and sometimes continues posting to social media, albeit not typically under the lawmaker’s name. And there’s even less clarity around lawmakers’ social media accounts that they use for campaigning, as opposed to official work.
Zack Brown, who was the communications director for Rep. Don Young (R-Alaska) when he died in office in March 2022, said there is no official process for handing off control of lawmakers’ social media accounts if they die while still serving. That leaves communications staff in an awkward bind on how to proceed with languishing accounts, he said.
Although there were content rules on what staff members were allowed to post to Young’s accounts — political, policy-related and ideological posts were off-limits — there was no guidance on what to do with the accounts themselves.
“When a member of Congress dies, nobody seems to care about getting the log-ins from you, or assuming control of the Facebook page,” Brown said. “I still, if I wanted to, could go post to Facebook as Congressman Young — I could still tweet today as Congressman Young. And nobody from archives or records or from House administration, or anybody, seems to give a shit.”
Brown continued serving in the Alaskan’s office for four months after his death, administering the affairs of the office and helping wind down its operations to prepare for Young’s replacement after the special election.
While the process of physically closing down Young’s office was “meticulous,” with individual files and knickknacks from the lawmaker’s office requiring logging, the “digital aspect of it was completely ignored,” Brown said.
Brown noted that failing to properly administer a lawmaker’s social media presence is also a constituent services issue, as many people reach out to their representative’s offices via direct message for assistance.
But most of all, Brown cautioned, a lack of procedure for how to handle dead lawmaker’s’ socials poses a host of security risks that would normally be unthinkable for physical record-keeping.
“I can’t walk into the National Archives right now and just go behind closed doors and take whatever files from Congressman Young that I want,” Brown said. “Why does somebody who had social media access have that power to do that with tweets?”
Nicholas Wu contributed to this report.
Congress
Hawley to vote for megabill after Medicaid, hospital changes
Sen. Josh Hawley (R-Mo.) said on Saturday that he will back President Donald Trump’s signature legislation after Republicans made changes to the health care language, helping leadership shore up their whip count.
“I’m going to vote yes on this bill,” Hawley said.
Hawley, whose intentions had been unclear, said he was satisfied by a change that would delay implementing changes to the provider tax language, which most states use to help cover Medicaid costs. He was also encouraged by an increase in the rural hospital fund, which means that his state will get more Medicaid funding for the next four years.
Hawley’s decision comes as Majority Leader John Thune (R-S.D.) is expected to hold an initial vote on the megabill on Saturday, setting up final passage as soon as Sunday.
Several senators have yet to say if they will vote to start debate or help pass the final bill. Thune can lose no more than three GOP senators and still let Vice President JD Vance break a tie.
Congress
Updated megabill includes key compromises on taxes and Medicaid
Senate Republicans have included compromises on key Medicaid and tax issuesin updated text for their sweeping domestic policy bill.
In an effort to placate GOP moderates on the fence on the legislation, Senate Republicans are planning to provide a $25 billion stabilization fund for rural hospitals over five years. It’s a significant bump up from the $15 billion offer Senate Republican leadership had made to a group of Medicaid moderates, who have balked at the steep cuts to the health program contained in the marque legislation.
Senate Republicans would also delay planned cuts to provider taxes that fund state obligations to Medicaid. The changes would still incrementally lower the allowable provider tax in Medicaid expansion states from 6 percent down to 3.5 percent.
But the drawdown would begin in 2028, one year later than planned — in a nod to concerns from senators like Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.), who warned this week that resulting cuts to Medicaid could have disastrous electoral consequences in the midterms.
The changes come as Senate Republicans are racing ahead with plans to hold a vote on their legislation Saturday. President Donald Trump still wants the bill on his desk by July 4, though Republicans, as of Friday evening, did not have the votes to start debate.
The language also reflects changes to the state and local tax deduction sought by blue state House Republicans. The New York, New Jersey and California Republicans have been in prolonged negotiations with Sen. Markwayne Mullin (R-Okla.) and Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent over a boost to the deduction, which Senate Republicans universally want lowered.
The new Senate text keeps House Republicans’ plan to increase the deduction from $10,000 to $40,000, but it would snap back to current levels after 2029. The new language likely shaves off at least $100 billion from the approximately $350 billion price tag of the House plan.
It’s still unclear, though, if the compromise would get all of the hardcore SALT Republicans to “yes.” In a Friday lunch with Senate Republicans, House Speaker Mike Johnson said he still had one holdout on the SALT deal -— a likely reference to Rep. Nick LaLota (R-N.Y.), who indicated on Friday that, if there had been a deal, he was not part of it.
The text for the Finance committee, which has jurisdiction over tax policy and Medicaid, could still see major changes. That’s because the language still hasn’t been fully updated to reflect rulings from the parliamentarian, Elizabeth MacDonough, on whether the contained provisions comply with strict budget rules.
The tax panel had their final meetings with MacDonough Friday night, but it’s unclear how she would weigh in, if at all, on tax provisions enacted under a novel accounting tactic called “current policy baseline. That tactic takes the unprecedented step of zeroing out trillions of tax cut extensions. Senate Republicans are relying on it to make a slew of provisions, from individual to business tax cuts, permanent.
David Lim contributed to this report.
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