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Kweisi Mfume is pitching an old-school approach to one of House Democrats’ highest-profile jobs

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Frustrated by Democrats’ seniority system, Kweisi Mfume fled the House three decades ago, saying he could do more to advance civil rights from the outside. Now he’s back and trying to reap the benefits of seniority at a moment when many in his party are starting to openly question it.

The Baltimore native last month surprised many House colleagues by entering the wide-open race to lead Democrats on the high-profile Oversight Committee, seeking to fill the spot vacated by the sudden death of Virginia Rep. Gerry Connolly.

Into the void jumped a pair of young, ambitious members — Jasmine Crockett of Texas and Robert Garcia of California — as well as a close Connolly ally, Stephen Lynch of Massachusetts. And then there’s Mfume, who at 76 is making no bones about this being the capstone of a long career that included stints leading the Congressional Black Caucus and the NAACP — jobs he took back in the 1990s.

NAACP President Kweisi Mfume gestures during a news conference at Catholic University on Friday, June 4, 2004 in Washington.

“I started a long time ago when dinosaurs roamed the earth,” Mfume joked in an interview, before describing his old-school approach to legislative relations: “The first thing you learn is how to count votes, which has never failed me yet,” he said, adding that he would be careful not to alienate colleagues “by doing something that causes problems for them in their district.”

Rather than detail a point-by-point agenda for taking on President Donald Trump and congressional Republicans, Mfume said if elected he’d convene the committee’s Democrats to decide a course of action. The party, he said, can only move forward with a “consensus.”

That style stands in sharp contrast to a Democratic base that’s itching for more aggressive leadership and a more visible fight with Trump — something the other candidates are clearly heeding: Garcia has tangled with the Justice Department over his criticism of Elon Musk; Crockett has broached the prospect of a Trump impeachment inquiry; and Lynch, as the panel’s interim top Democrat, attempted last week to subpoena Musk during a panel hearing.

The race also threatens to become a proxy fight for broader questions about age and seniority inside the Democratic Party. House Democrats ousted several aging committee leaders at the end of last Congress as they girded for a fight with the Trump administration — and many in the base were disappointed when Connolly triumphed over Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York.

Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.) looks on during a House Oversight and Government Reform Committee hearing on sanctuary cities on Capitol Hill March 5, 2025.

The winner is poised to lead efforts to investigate and thwart the Trump administration if Democrats can retake the House majority next year — and ride herd on a chaotic panel that in recent months has featured intense personal attacks between lawmakers and the display of nude photos.

“It’s a street fight every day,” said Rep. Lateefah Simon of California when asked about the panel and what it takes to lead it. “It’s every single day being able to expose the hypocrisy of this administration and to tell the truth.”

There was a time when Mfume would have been a natural choice for such a moment. First elected to Baltimore’s City Council at the age of 30, he quickly butted heads with legendary Mayor William Donald Schaefer. After longtime Rep. Parren Mitchell retired, Mfume easily won the seat in 1986 and within a few years become a national figure due to his chairmanship of the CBC.

Ascending to that role just as Bill Clinton was elected to the presidency, he became an important power broker, forcing key concessions in Clinton’s 1993 budget and pushing the White House to restore ousted Haitian president Jean-Bertrand Aristide to power. He also clashed with Clinton at times, including over his decision to pull the nomination of prominent Black legal scholar Lani Guinier to a top Justice Department post.

President Bill Clinton gestures while meeting with the Congressional Black Caucus at the White House in Washington, May 26, 1993. Rep. Kweisi Mfume (D-Md.), chairman of the caucus, left, and Rep. Donald Payne (D-N.J.), right, flank the president during the meeting.

But after Democrats lost their House majority in 1994 — and Mfume lost a quixotic bid to enter the party leadership — he decided two years later to forgo a long climb up the seniority ladder. He instead took the helm at the Baltimore-based NAACP, a job thought to better harness his skills at organizing and oratory.

Former Maryland state Sen. Jill Carter said Mfume has long had the “it factor” and “charisma” that matters in politics. When Carter ran against Mfume in his 2020 House comeback bid, she got a reminder of how well her rival was known in the district and beyond: “When some of my people did exit polling, they got the response, ‘Oh, we love Jill but, come on, this is Kweisi.’”

What’s less clear is whether Mfume’s reputation in Baltimore, burnished over 45 years in the public eye, makes him the man for the moment as far as his contemporary House colleagues are concerned. He’s not known as a partisan brawler, and he said in the interview he doesn’t intend to become one.

“There are always going to be fights and disagreements,” he said. “It’s kind of escalated in the last few years to a level that we haven’t seen before. I think the main thing is to moderate and to manage the disagreements, because you’re not going to cause any of them to go away. How you manage them and how they are perceived by the overall public is what makes a difference.”

Kwiesi Mfume speaks during the funeral services for late U.S. Representative Elijah Cummings (D-MD) at the New Psalmist Baptist Church October 25, 2019 in Baltimore, Maryland.

Mfume is leaning heavily, in fact, on the style and reputation of the man who filled the 7th District seat for the 24 years in between his House stints — the late Rep. Elijah Cummings, who served as top Democrat and then chair of Oversight during Trump’s first term and is still spoken of in reverent terms inside the caucus.

Mfume concedes that Cummings might have been the better communicator — he “had a little more preacher in him than I do” — but said they share a similar lofty approach to politics. Like Cummings, he suggested prescription drug prices might be a committee priority.

What Mfume is unlikely to have is the official support of the Congressional Black Caucus, a powerful force in intracaucus politics. With two members in the race — Crockett also belongs — Mfume said he does not expect a formal CBC endorsement after an interview process Wednesday. But he still expected to draw support from the bloc — especially its more senior members.

Other factors complicate Mfume’s candidacy. One is age: He is a year older than Connolly was when he was elected to lead Oversight Democrats last year. For those who prize seniority, Lynch has actually spent more time on the panel. And his 2004 departure from the NAACP was marred by controversy: The Baltimore Sun reported the executive committee of the group voted not to extend his contract under threat of a sexual harassment lawsuit; the NAACP later paid the woman who complained a $100,000 settlement.

Mfume strenuously denied any wrongdoing, but while the episode has not emerged as a major issue in the Oversight race, some Democrats have privately expressed reservations about elevating a leader with personal baggage to potentially lead investigations of Trump.

“There’s never been one person to corroborate that one allegation — not one,” Mfume said. About the payment, he said, “I found out about it, quite frankly, after it happened.”

Rep. Jasmine Crockett (D-Texas), top, and Rep. Stephen Lynch (D-Mass.) on Capitol Hill in Washington, June 4, 2025.

Much of the Democratic Caucus remains undecided ahead of the June 24 secret-ballot vote. Candidates will first go before Democrats’ Steering and Policy Committee, which will make a recommendation to the full caucus.

“I think that you have a situation where Mfume and Steve Lynch are getting support from folks who put seniority at top, and maybe the other two candidates would probably lean toward members who are newer, and then you got a whole host of folks that’s in the middle. And I think that’s where the battle is to see where they fall,” said Rep. Greg Meeks (D-N.Y.).

One younger member said he was swayed by Mfume’s experience. Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.), who is 48 and had weighed his own bid, said that while other candidates were compelling, the Baltimorean had a “leg up.”

“Kweisi shows me pictures of him with Nelson Mandela,” he said. “I was like, I’m not going to run against Nelson Mandela’s best friend.”

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Congress

Republicans move forward with controversial megabill accounting move

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Senate Republicans are on the cusp of formally adopting a controversial accounting tactic to zero out much of the cost of their massive domestic policy bill.

The matter came to a head on the Senate floor Sunday afternoon, when Democrats sought to prevent the use of the current policy baseline, as the tactic is known. Minority Leader Chuck Schumer objected to the maneuver and accused Republicans of setting a new precedent with the “budgetary gimmick.”

The Senate is set to vote on Schumer’s objection later Sunday or Monday, but Republicans believe their members will back up Senate Majority Leader John Thune and Senate Budget Chair Lindsey Graham.

That’s in part because they were able to sidestep a situation where senators would be asked to overrule Parliamentarian Elizabeth MacDonough on the baseline question. Instead, Republicans are asserting that Graham (R-S.C.) has the ability to establish which baseline is used under the 1974 law governing the budget process, rather than having MacDonough issue a formal ruling.

“There is nothing to debate and we consider this matter settled,” Graham spokesperson Taylor Reidy said.

The revised baseline allows Republicans to essentially write off the $3.8 trillion cost of extending tax cuts passed in 2017 that are set to expire at the end of the year. The effect on the megabill’s bottom line is profound as a pair of new Congressional Budget Office reports show.

One, released late Saturday night using the current policy baseline, showed the legislation would reduce the deficit by $508 billion. The other, released Sunday morning using the traditional method accounting for expiring provisions, showed the megabill would increase the deficit by $3.25 trillion.

“Things have never, never worked this way where one party so egregiously ignores precedent, process and the parliamentarian, and does that all in order to wipe away trillions of dollars in costs,” Sen. Patty Murray (D-Wash.) said during a speech on the Senate floor Sunday.

The maneuver came as little surprise. The GOP plan has been quietly in the works for months, and Thune had suggested they would reprise the no-formal-ruling strategy they’d used earlier in the process of passing the megabill.

“As we did on the budget resolution, we believe the law is clear that the budget committee chairman can determine the baseline we use,” Thune told reporters. Graham on Sunday embraced the CBO ruling showing the deficit savings — and his own authority to make the accounting change: “I’ve decided to use current policy when it comes to cutting taxes,” he said. “If you use current policy, they never expire.”

The baseline change is crucial for Senate Republicans because under the budget blueprint they adopted earlier this year, the Finance Committee provisions in the bill can only increase the deficit by a maximum of $1.5 trillion. The bill now under consideration wouldn’t comply under the old accounting method.

Sen. Ron Wyden (D-Ore.), the top Finance Democrat, called it “budget math as fake as Donald Trump’s tan” and said the GOP amounted to a “nuclear” choice that would weaken the chamber’s 60-vote filibuster.

“We’re now operating in a world where the filibuster applies to Democrats but not to Republicans, and that’s simply unsustainable given the triage that’ll be required whenever the Trump era finally ends,” he said.

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Congress

Megabill reading wraps up after nearly 16 hours

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Senate clerks have completed a nearly 16-hour reading of the GOP’s 940-page megabill. Clerks began reading the text aloud at 11:08 p.m. Saturday and finished Sunday at 3:03 p.m.

By refusing to waive chamber rules allowing for reading, Senate Democrats hoped to create an opportunity to highlight some of the most unpopular issues in the legislation. Now, under Senate rules, there will be 20 hours of the debate evenly divided between Democrats and Republicans.

Democrats are expected to use their full 10 hours, while Republicans are expected to take only a couple hours. That would mean the vote-a-rama — a marathon series of amendment votes — will begin sometime early Monday morning, though senators could agree by unanimous consent to delay it.

The GOP megabill is by no means finalized. Party leaders continue to negotiate to tweak the bill in ways that will win 51 votes in the Senate while also garnering enough votes to pass in the House later this week without further modifications. Republicans also continue to deal with the chamber’s parliamentarian, who continues to review whether parts of the bill comply with the budget rules the GOP is using to pass the bill along party lines.

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Congress

White House eyes Kentucky state senator for Massie challenge

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White House officials will host Kentucky state Sen. Aaron Reed in the coming weeks for a discussion about challenging GOP Rep. Thomas Massie in next year’s Republican primary, according to two people granted anonymity to describe the private plans.

President Donald Trump and his political operation have been searching for a candidate to challenge Massie over his opposition to the president’s “big, beautiful bill” and his strike on Iran’s nuclear facilities. Trump political advisers Chris LaCivita and pollster Tony Fabrizio have launched a super PAC directed at defeating Massie that’s already running a TV ad attacking the seven-term incumbent.

Massie is embracing the challenge, fundraising off MAGA’s slights and telling reporters last week he raised $120,000 in a single day off of Trump’s threats to campaign “really hard” against him.

Massie — who previously endorsed Reed for state Senate, and whom Reed in return had called “one of America’s greatest Congressmen” — did not immediately return a request for comment. Reed, a former Navy SEAL, was first elected to the Kentucky state house last year.

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