Politics
Kremlin dismisses likelihood of Putin-Trump-Zelensky meeting
The Kremlin has dismissed the likelihood of a trilateral meeting between Russian President Vladimir Putin, President Trump and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky taking place in the near future. “Well, frankly speaking, unlikely [that it will happen] in the near future,” Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov told reporters on Tuesday…
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Politics
Vancouver learned to stop worrying and love mega-events
VANCOUVER — On the opening day of the 2010 Winter Olympics, protesters marched to BC Place, the culmination of a decade-long tug-of-war over whether Vancouver had room for a global sports mega-event. Activists first tried to block the Olympics from coming to town, then tried to use it to extract social commitments from organizers, and finally to shame anyone involved.
On Thursday, when Canada was preparing to play the most important match in the country’s soccer history, the streets around BC Place appeared to be free of protesters, filled only with gleeful fans swathed in patriotic red and the occasional dishdasha preferred by the Qatar Football Association’s traveling contingent.
“It’s kind of a nothing-burger,” observed Am Johal, who as the chair of the Impact on Communities Coalition had been a leader of the city’s anti-Olympics movement, hours before kickoff on the World Cup’s second match day.
Johal was walking through the Downtown Eastside, a scruffy neighborhood that had been the site of the greatest pre-Olympic friction, along the lines of conflict that define the modern North American city — between new transplants and existing residents, tourists and locals, police and civil-rights activists, global capital and local resistance.
Now, however, Johal was carrying a fiscal conservative’s laments rather than those of the community organizer. Canada’s governments were projected to spend over $1 billion to host World Cup matches in Vancouver and Toronto, with a roughly even split between funds coming from the federal budget as opposed to provincial and local ones. More than 70 percent of voters in both cities told pollster Angus Reid that it was not worth the public cost.
“I think if the government is looking to spend a billion of public funding related to economic and social benefit, it should really do a proper opportunity cost,” said Johal. “If there’s a massive public subsidy being done to groups that are unaccountable to the broader city — if these things are going to go ahead — why is public money going into them?”
Those were arguments Johal made when Vancouver voters were asked in November 2002 to weigh in on the merits of an Olympic bid. Almost two-thirds of those casting ballots in the municipal plebiscite voted to proceed. But over the course of the decade, as the games grew near, the coalition of skeptics appeared to grow. (The Vancouver Sun dismissed them as “whiners and grumble-bunnies.”)
There were anti-gentrification activists who feared that an Olympic Village and other new developments would price out renters and displace property owners. Anti-consumerist radicals, many with ties to the Vancouver-based magazine Adbusters, saw it as a corporate spectacle. Civil libertarians anticipated heavy-handed police measures to clear streets of the homeless and drug users. (Vancouver is home to North America’s first supervised injection facility.) Environmental activists and tribal groups, who hold disproportionate sway in British Columbia’s politics, sought to protect what they said was unceded aboriginal land.
As the anti-Olympic coalition grew, it split along the lines that often fracture protest moments. Johal’s community coalition sought to extract 37 specific policy commitments to ensure what one City Council resolution described as a “transparent, inclusive and socially sustainable” games.
The Anti-Poverty Committee took a more militant approach, threatening to “evict” members of the local Olympics organizing committee from their homes, attacking branches of games sponsor Royal Bank of Canada with rocks, and vandalizing the office of British Columbia Premier Gordon Campbell, a leading Olympic booster. The militants also took aim at those on their own side, even if more playfully: David Eby, who as executive director of the B.C. Civil Liberties Association had been the anti-Olympics’ movement most prominent spokesman, received a pie to the face after arguing for non-violence at a community meeting.
Despite the irreconcilable “diversity of tactics,” as activists politely described it, the rebellion attracted notice beyond Vancouver, inspiring a new era of local resistance to global mega-events. Veterans of the Vancouver campaign shared lessons with activists in Boston, who in 2015 forced then-Mayor Tom Menino to withdraw plans to bid for the 2024 Summer Games due to civic opposition. Two European cities, Hamburg and Budapest, subsequently killed their bids once voters expressed their disapproval in referenda. The NOlympics LA movement, currently attempting to rally political opposition to the 2028 Summer Games in Los Angeles, draws from the lessons of Vancouver.
Evidence of that legacy has been scarce on the streets of Vancouver this month, even after the city enacted “FIFA Bylaws” designed to give police specific tools to use against street vendors and buskers and remove advertising that interferes with the World Cup sponsorship deals. The Pivot Legal Society deployed crews of “legal observers” who chased law-enforcement officials through the Downtown Eastside, and activists shared Vancouver Police Department press releases boasting of new drone surveillance capacities.
“These are always moments where policing gets new tactics and technologies,” observed Johal, “and they oftentimes get deployed during mega events as a way of moving forward.”
But the Downtown Eastside did not feel like a neighborhood under siege, as it had in 2010. Even if it competes with the Olympics in cultural and geopolitical salience, the World Cup is a more logistically diffuse experience. Rather than being consolidated within a single metropolitan area for two jam-packed weeks, this year’s World Cup lasts for more than five weeks and is spread across 16 cities in three countries.
In 2022, the same year that Vancouver offered itself up to host World Cup matches, Eby was elected British Columbia’s premier. Now instead of using his words to inspire the activists who massed outside BC Place, he was inside. Inside a luxury box, Eby greeted sports executives who lobbied him to make a new commitment to the Vancouver Whitecaps franchise that joined Major League Soccer the year after the Olympics. (Eby’s office did not make him available for an interview.)
“We’re so excited to be hosting,” Eby said in one social-media video. “And we’re so excited to have a win under our belts.”
Politics
Sports is the Gulf’s favorite soft power play. The World Cup is a hard test.
ATLANTA — Gulf countries have plowed billions of dollars into domestic soccer, led by a multi-year Saudi spending extravaganza that has brought global superstars and new attention to its domestic league. But it is doing little to improve their showing at the World Cup.
The United Arab Emirates failed to qualify. Qatar has been on the losing end of one of the tournament’s most lopsided scorelines. Saudi Arabia now needs a win in its next match to have any chance of progressing. The results, and the performances behind them mark a disappointment for the monied Gulf petromonarchies’ hope of wielding power through sports.
“The Saudis are using football to speed up soft power that would normally take decades to build: reputation, tourism, investment and global relevance,” said one business consultant who has worked with Riyadh on commercial strategy and was granted anonymity to protect relationships.
Saudi Arabia’s heavy defeat to Spain on Sunday may have been the most glaring moment of all. The country began its spending extravaganza in 2022, and has brought players who left their mark in Spain’s domestic league — including Cristiano Ronaldo, Neymar and Karim Benzema — but the Saudis couldn’t keep up in global competition.
“When we have these stars in the Arabian League, I think that the more competitive the competition, the better our players will be. But it’s different when we’re playing for the national team because in the national team — these experiences — there needs to be a certain mentality,” Saudi team manager Georgios Donis said at a post-match press conference on Sunday, in response to a question from Blue Light News.
“I’m always a realist in what I see,” Donis continued, “and I believe that over time we’re going to put together an excellent, national team and we will come back to the level that we can with the opponents in the next team where we’ll be very competitive.”
The 2022 host nation Qatar, which owns European champion club Paris Saint-Germain and leading global broadcaster beIN Sports, was humiliated by Canada last week. The United Arab Emirates, which counts English giant Manchester City and Major League Soccer’s New York City FC in its soccer portfolio, has qualified for the World Cup only once, in 1990. The biggest name to join one of the Gulf domestic leagues, Cristiano Ronaldo of Riyadh’s Al-Nassr, has been ridiculed in international media for his detrimental impact on the Portuguese squad.
Those familiar with the thinking of Saudi soccer officials say they are trying to avoid the example of China, which found that signing big stars to its domestic league was economically unsustainable while doing little to improve the national team’s fortunes.
“That also showed the limits of buying attention without building lasting credibility, although the Chinese did it mostly for national prestige,” said the business consultant. “The Saudi approach feels more strategic. They are already getting attention and access. The bigger question is whether that becomes long-term credibility, and they seem pragmatic enough to change course if parts of the project don’t work.”
Authorities in Riyadh are realistic and regard the impact on elite level as being long term, said another industry figure who has worked on soccer with the Saudis. There is only so much time for patience, however: Saudi Arabia will hope for a stronger performance by the time it hosts the men’s World Cup in 2034.
Politics
What Jordan’s ambassador wants you to think about while watching Messi
Jordan is among the teams making its first-ever appearance at a World Cup, and for the country’s ambassador to the United States it is a chance to introduce the world to a country often viewed through the lens of regional conflict and security challenges — and to showcase a different side of the Middle East.
“You see us through security, we see us through humans,” said Dina Kawar, who has represented the Hashemite Kingdom in Washington since 2016, an unusually long spell for a foreign diplomat there.
Her team plays its second match tomorrow, in northern California. Given Jordan’s defeat in its first match against Austria, and the fact that it will face Lionel Messi’s Argentina in its third, the team will almost certainly need a victory against Algeria tomorrow to have any chance of advancing to the next round
“All eyes are on the Jordanian team because we are new in this,” Kawar told Blue Light News earlier this month. “Of course, Argentina is important for us. People know Argentina. People will be watching closely to see where we go.
A career diplomat who was educated in the United States, Kawar discussed what she wants World Cup watchers to learn about Jordan: the country’s growing investment in sports, including women’s soccer, and how Amman hopes to use the tournament to showcase Jordan as a destination for tourism and business.
Since this will be Jordan’s first appearance at a World Cup, what does this achievement mean for the country and for Jordanians around the world?
It’s a big deal. It’s a big deal for us on the national level. I think the whole country is going to stop during the game. It has ignited national pride.
For the Jordan Football Federation, they see it as an important step to improve the local sports infrastructure. We hope that it attracts commercial sponsorships and interest in the country in general.
For the federation, this is an occasion for the team to step into being a professional team. It means having more money, more sponsorships. The players can be in other teams and clubs. That’s very important.
How far do you expect them to go in the tournament?
Look, if you don’t dream big, nothing happens. Honestly, the most important thing is to have a good game. If they win, that’s fantastic. If they lose, at least it’s a decent game. For us, the most important thing is that the game is a good one. If you look at how they performed in the Asia and Arab Cups, they’ve done an amazing job. This team has a lot of potential, and when you have a team that has a lot of potential, it’s more exciting.
Jordan has thus far been more successful in women’s soccer than men’s. How did that happen?
The team was established in 2005 by Prince Ali bin Hussein, and he’s been a big, big supporter of advancing women’s football.
Since then, we’ve won the West Asia Championship and the Arab Cup twice. I think our women’s team has been a leader in the Arab world.
Despite the challenges, there are always cultural taboos and social taboos. Female football was a little bit of an intrusion into the male-dominant world of football.
But look at the U.S. The [women’s] team has been amazing. Despite the cultural and social taboos, we’ve been breaking boundaries and championing this important game.
What aspects of Jordanian culture and society do you want the world to see during Jordan’s first World Cup appearance?
This is an important opportunity to showcase Jordan’s rich cultural heritage, its vibrant identity, and not only its passion for sports.
We want to show that Jordan is a beautiful destination.
We’re having fan zones in Dallas and Santa Clara with concerts, food trucks, activities for children, shops and markets. We want people to visit and see how beautiful Jordan is.
The tourism in Jordan is amazing. You have cultural tourism, the Dead Sea, religious tourism, some of the most beautiful mosaics, nature and hiking. Of course, Petra and Wadi Rum are beyond description.
Most Americans still see the region through its security challenges.
You know what, Sophia? You see us through security, we see us through humans. That’s one thing I would like to correct at the start.
Sports is becoming more important. There’s always been interest in soccer, but now there’s more awareness and more effort from governments to push their teams forward. As you go through that process, brilliant players get the attention of leagues and other clubs, and that’s how it goes. The ball starts rolling.
The fact that sports is becoming so important in the Arab world is because countries are investing in it and making a network. I think that’s a very, very good thing.
We’ve always had football in Jordan, but now it’s another level. It’s the beginning of a new phase.
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