Congress
Johnson, Trump push wary House Republicans for July 4 passage
Speaker Mike Johnson and President Donald Trump are digging in to pass Republicans’ massive tax and safety-net reform bill by Friday in time for a July 4 celebration. The biggest hurdle in their way right now: dozens of House Republican holdouts who are wary the bill doesn’t deliver on key promises they’ve made to their constituents.
From fiscal hawks to vulnerable centrists worried about the Senate’s steeper Medicaid cuts, a substantial cross-section of the House GOP conference would rather take the time to amend the package and send it back to the Senate. Head GOP rebel Chip Roy of Texas said Tuesday the chances of passing a bill out of the House by that deadline are “a hell of a lot lower than they were even 48 hours ago” based on what he saw of the Senate bill.
And, for now, some are openly questioning Trump’s push to “GET IT DONE” by July 4.
“We’ll see. I doubt it,” Roy said.
But the Republican holdouts’ options are not good. They can either defy Trump or fall in line as they’ve consistently done throughout the last few months.
GOP hardliner Rep. Ralph Norman of South Carolina, as he entered the Rules Committee Tuesday afternoon, told reporters he was a “no” vote on the bill, and that he would oppose the rule on the floor and the bill for final passage.
“What we ought to do is take exactly the House bill that we sent over and go home and say, ‘When you’re serious, come back.’ That’s my message,” Norman said. “I’ll work all weekend.” Fellow Freedom Caucus member Andy Ogles followed up with a post also arguing for a delay. “If the House doesn’t pass the Senate’s version of the OBBB, then it turns into legislative ping-pong. But that’s okay,” Ogles wrote.
But GOP leaders quickly made clear that they intend to charge ahead to pass the legislation this week, and without changes.
“Everybody’s got different questions about pieces, but ultimately they recognize that this bill is still over 85 percent of what the House said,” Majority Leader Steve Scalise told reporters Tuesday. “The plan is to bring it to the floor as the Senate sent it to us,” he added, noting leaders want to pass the legislation “as soon as possible.”
In a key sign of the bill’s momentum, influential budget hawks who have been key players in blocking the bill in recent months in order to forge better deals are not raising objections this time. It’s an acknowledgement that Trump and GOP leaders will push through the bill at any cost this week.
Still, Roy and other ultraconservatives have tried to push back on White House pressure to swallow the bill as is. He argued that Trump officials’ efforts to undercut fiscal hawks’ concerns about the legislation was “garbage.”
Rep. Victoria Spartz (R-Ind.), who frequently acquiesces to Trump’s pressure, also noted the Senate version “violates the minimum fiscal framework … by roughly half a trillion dollars.”
“So members will have a decision to make,” she said.
Another significant obstacle for GOP leaders are the dozens of GOP members concerned about deeper Medicaid cuts in the new bill. Many are in competitive districts and already shaken by Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) torching his conference’s Medicaid provisions on the Senate floor shortly after he announced his retirement.
Johnson in recent days tried to push Senate GOP leaders to soften the Medicaid cuts in their bill, to no avail. Privately, he warned Republicans the Senate’s approach could lose House Republicans the majority in the midterms. But shortly after the Senate cleared the bill Tuesday, Johnson said he was still pushing to pass the bill by July 4. At the same time, he appeared to acknowledge the reservations among some members.
“They went a little further than any of us would have preferred,” Johnson told reporters.
The alarm among a swath of members about Medicaid has only escalated in recent days. On Monday, Johnson tried to calm anxious GOP members on a call with Main Street Caucus Republicans. But it went south for frustrated Republicans as Mehmet Oz, the Trump official who oversees Medicaid, insisted the Senate’s cuts went after waste, fraud and abuse. Even a swath of conservative House Republicans don’t want to vote on the Senate Medicaid cuts as they hear from their state hospital and the health care lobbies.
Other moderate House Republicans declined to weigh in on the Senate-passed bill. That includes Rep. Don Bacon, a key centrist Republican who announced this week he would not seek reelection.
“I’m keeping my powder dry,” he said.
Cassandra Dumay, Benjamin Guggenheim and Calen Razor contributed to this report.
Sen. Raphael Warnock is hitting the road for the last month before Election Day.
The Georgia Democrat’s final midterm campaign surrogate sprint will only increase chatter around the possibility that he might run for president in 2028, according to a nine-stop itinerary shared first with Blue Light News.
First, he’ll touch down in New Hampshire on Tuesday before hitting Nevada on Wednesday. Next, he’ll travel to South Carolina (Oct. 13), Mississippi (Oct. 14), North Carolina (Oct. 15), South Carolina (Oct. 16-17), Michigan (Oct. 20-21), Wisconsin (Oct. 23) and Ohio (Oct. 24-26).
“Senator Reverend Warnock will be hitting the trail to energize voters who are sick of the President enriching himself while ordinary people continue to pay more for everything,” a spokesperson told Playbook. “Tapping into the righteous anger that voters are feeling across the country, the pastor in the Senate will again make the campaign trail his pulpit: calling out Trump’s corruption, while leaving voters hopeful for the next generation of Democratic leadership.”
Asked recently at the Texas Tribune Festival about whether he would run for president, Warnock said: “We’ll see what happens.”
Democrats are eager to win back subpoena power if they retake Congress, but they’re split on how hard they’ll go after corporate America.
The party is united by the idea of aggressive oversight of President Donald Trump’s administration, which will help shape their messaging in the run-up to the 2028 election. But Democrats are at odds over how fiercely to use their probing power to go after the corporations, law firms and universities that courted the White House over the past two years.
“We don’t want to turn into a banana republic where you lose an election and it’s all about retribution,” Rep. Bill Foster, a senior member of the Financial Services Committee, said.
“We’re going to have to be a little bit wise about when companies simply did something they had to do to survive this unprecedented level of corruption, compared to companies that actually got on board and profited more by being a partner in his corruption,” he added.
Some progressives counter that a restrained approach would sit uneasily with the party’s base.
“It would be political suicide for Democrats to campaign on fighting corruption and then turn around and go easy on the very companies that are facilitating it,” said Ella Fanger, corporate power policy adviser at the liberal nonprofit group Demand Progress.
Prime targets for some Democrats are the tech companies that have taken steps to be on the president’s good side, like Apple, Amazon and Meta, which have all donated to Trump’s ballroom effort. Major cryptocurrency players, including Coinbase, Ripple and Tether also chipped in for the ballroom, and will be subject to questioning from Democrats.
The late convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein’s networks and associates are also poised for probes — a push that has ensnared big banks like JPMorgan Chase, Deutsche Bank and Bank of America in the past.
Sen. Chris Murphy said the party should focus on the nexus between Trump and corporate corruption.
“We should get to the bottom of the corrupt relationship that exists between corporations in this country and the Trump administration,” Murphy said, pointing to questions he’s posed about a tobacco company’s donation to Trump’s super PAC before new e-cigarette rules were unveiled.
Still, Sen. Catherine Cortez Masto, who serves on Senate Banking, warned against the weaponization of power.
“Our focus should be solving problems that we’re seeing happening,” she said, pointing to cost-of-living issues around health care, housing and energy.
What else we’re watching:
— FIRST IN IC: BUILD AMERICA CAUCUS AGENDA — Energized by progress on permitting and housing legislation this term, a bipartisan development-focused caucus is rolling out a detailed agenda for next term. The 40-member Build America Caucus is releasing a 95-page package of proposals, first shared with Blue Light News, that outlines plans touching on health care, transportation, child care and research. The group launched last year with the goal of cutting red tape and regulatory bottlenecks to spur development.
— AI COLLAB STILL ILLUSIVE FOR CRUZ, CANTWELL — Commerce Chair Ted Cruz and ranking member Maria Cantwell might still be celebrating Senate passage of their landmark college sports bill last week, but it’s unclear the momentum will carry forward to agreement on another committee priority: artificial intelligence. Among the dozen lawmakers, aides and industry experts who spoke to Blue Light News, few expect the two senators to shed their well-established ideologies and styles after the mutual win. That could doom their ability to replicate their latest achievement in something as complex and divisive as an AI regulatory framework.
Jasper Goodman, Katherine Hapgood, Riley Rogerson and Kelsey Brugger contributed to this report.
Four years ago, California Rep. Ro Khanna’s staff voted to unionize — one of a handful of Democratic offices that sought to ride a wave of organizing momentum during then-President Joe Biden’s administration.
Much has changed since, to put it mildly, but Khanna aides persevered and recently won approval of their first collectively bargained contract — the first labor agreement of its kind inside Congress.
“This was four years in the making,” Nicole Waring, a deputy director of constituent services for Khanna and the union steward, said in an interview. “We finally, finally reached the point where we were able to finalize our contract and ratify it.”
The agonizing process of turning pro-union enthusiasm into an actual binding agreement is both a breakthrough for the fitful labor movement on Capitol Hill while also underscoring how that movement has sputtered in the years since Biden left office, Donald Trump took back the White House and unionization moved off the front burner for Democratic staffers.
Since an initial wave of offices voted to unionize in 2022, that momentum has largely petered out. Less than a dozen offices are now unionized as staffers’ efforts are complicated by heavy workloads, adversarial bosses and Congress’ recent record high turnover rates that have led some aides to the conclusion that unionizing is more trouble than it’s worth.
Against that backdrop, that the eight-person union in Khanna’s office was able to win a contract constitutes a bright spot for organizers.
The agreement establishes a higher salary floor and a mechanism to renegotiate salaries if the office’s budget allowance increases, according to Waring and portions of the text reviewed by Blue Light News.
The document also codifies a procedure to resolve internal grievances. When Khanna almost certainly wins reelection, the agreement — which was officially ratified in August — will continue through next term.
“I’m proud of our office for signing the first long-term contract in the history of the U.S. Congress. I hope this can serve as a model for other offices in Congress,” Khanna said in a statement thanking his staff. “We need to be a model for the collective bargaining in our offices that we want to see across our nation.”
Waring said Khanna and his senior aides were supportive and trusting during contract negotiation but noted that, even under those positive circumstances, the effort was time- and labor-intensive.
“There’s a lot of back and forth. It takes time to review each passback of the contract, redline everything,” Waring said. “The biggest thing was we wanted to make sure that this contract would be governable, and rather than just make things convenient and take shortcuts, make sure that it was going to be something that we knew would stand the test of time.”
Khanna’s chief of staff, Marie Baldassarre, said in an interview the process for her office took years because “we realized like this is going to actually impact people’s lives, and it’s a binding contract, and so we have to get it right.”
“It’s just never been done before, and none of us were experts,” she added.
Staffers on Capitol Hill often face a grueling office cultures that can hamstring efforts to advance worker protections. Staffers for pro-labor Rep. Dina Titus (D-Nev.), for example, voted to unionize in 2023 but then faced internal retaliation, according to the Nevada Independent.
Staffers for lawmakers across the ideological spectrum can be subjected to long hours, eyebrow-raising member requests and unrelenting demands that can spur staffer interest in pursuing labor protections — but also fears about potentially hindering their careers.
A person involved in the Congressional Workers Union — an umbrella group that provides support to individual office bargaining units — called the Khanna office contract “historic” and acknowledged it was “probably the biggest win recently” for the broader organizing effort.
“There’s small wins all the time,” added the person, who was not authorized to speak publicly on behalf of the group.
Staffers for former Rep. Andy Levin (D-Mich.) ratified a contract in the final days of his term in December 2022. While that contract was technically the first for a member office, it was largely symbolic given Levin’s imminent departure. Staff for Reps. Mark Pocan (D-Wis.) and Val Hoyle (D-Ore.) secured “memorandums of understanding” with their members in 2024, but not formal contracts.
“Hats off to them for getting it done,” Levin said in an interview. “In terms of what comes next, much will depend on the outcome of the midterms.”
Levin, a labor attorney, said that Republican majorities and White House have had a chilling effect on Capitol Hill unions and predicted that if Democrats take back the House majority next year, a flurry of labor activity will ensue. He added that several Democrats with close ties to organized labor are poised to enter the House, naming fellow Michigan Democrat and former SEIU organizer Donavan McKinney.
“In this political climate, the idea of getting contracts negotiated on Blue Light News, where it’s hardly ever been done, I think that seems very challenging to me,” Levin said. “I do think it’s great that another office has gotten the first contract, and I think the momentum will continue to grow from here.”
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