Politics

Is Mamdani’s ‘Tax the Rich’ fight done?

Published

5 months ago

May 12, 2026

Blue Light Newsroom

Mayor Zohran Mamdani unveiled New York City's executive budget today.

DAYS THE BUDGET IS LATE: 42

ZO, THAT’S IT? For months, Mayor Zohran Mamdani has pressed the case that Albany must raise income and corporate taxes to help plug New York City’s $5.4 billion budget deficit.

So in rolling out an executive budget today that closes the gap without his favored state-level tax hikes, Mamdani made a significant concession, showing he did not, in fact, need the increases from Albany to shore up his spending plan.

When Playbook asked whether that means he’s throwing in the towel on his push for income and corporate tax increases, Mamdani signaled he’s content with the commitments he’s already secured.

“I’ve been very open and honest about my vision, whether it be fast and free buses, or whether it be higher personal income taxes on the wealthiest New Yorkers or the most profitable corporations — this budget is a reflection of that vision in its tax on the rich,” Mamdani said.

Mamdani was referring to the pied-à-terre tax Gov. Kathy Hochul and legislators in Albany have committed to enacting as part of this year’s badly overdue state budget. The tax, which impacts owners of secondary homes in the city worth more than $5 million, is expected to generate $500 million in new annual revenue for the municipal coffers.

That’s a far cry from the $9 billion in fresh revenue the democratic socialist said his income and corporate tax increases would annually produce during last year’s mayoral race.

Still, Mamdani offered nothing but praise for Hochul when asked today whether he’s a little bit disappointed that she hasn’t conceded any ground on those fronts. “I see this as a win,” he said at City Hall. “And I do want to thank Gov. Hochul for her partnership. It is a partnership that reflects a commitment to the long-term health and vitality for the city.”

A close Mamdani supporter echoed his sentiment — but added a caveat.

“What we heard from the mayor today signals that between the governor and New York City, the deal is done and they have reached the goals that they are going to accomplish this year,” Jasmine Gripper, director of the New York Working Families Party, told Playbook. “But nonetheless, the fight doesn’t die.”

Gripper’s comment opens the door to 2027, when Mamdani may have a better shot at convincing Hochul to push through his preferred tax hikes.

Locked in a reelection race against Republican Bruce Blakeman, Hochul has been consistently reluctant to support tax increases this year. As long as she’s reelected to a second full term in November, the governor may be more inclined to back tax hikes in 2027, when the pressures of a competitive reelection contest aren’t looming.

A Hochul spokesperson declined to comment on 2027 considerations. And a spokesperson for Mamdani didn’t comment on what his 2027 plans are vis-à-vis tax priorities in Albany.

Mamdani’s executive budget this year indicates he will be in dire need of new revenue streams from Albany next year.

The budget gap the city faces for fiscal year 2028 stands at over $7 billion, budget documents released today show. The gap for fiscal year 2029 is even larger, topping $9 billion, according to the new projections.

Without additional intervention from the state next year, closing such exorbitant outyear gaps could prove difficult for the young democratic socialist — unless he shifts gears to further trim spending.

Gustavo Gordillo, a co-chair of the New York City chapter of the Democratic Socialists of America, made clear his group will continue pressuring Hochul to get behind higher taxes on the wealthy to stave off future municipal service cuts.

“Closing the deficit was challenging. We did it. That’s an actual victory showing that socialists can govern,” Gordillo said. “But to deliver the full affordability agenda we will need a governor who stands with working New Yorkers instead of billionaire donors to make the rich pay what they owe.” — Chris Sommerfeldt and Joe Anuta

From the Capitol

A judge overturned a state board boarding that blocked the Bruce Blakeman campaign from receiving matching public funds.

BLAKEMAN WINS CASE ON MATCHING FUNDS: An Albany County judge has blocked an attempt from Democrats to deny GOP gubernatorial candidate Bruce Blakeman access to $3.5 million in campaign matching funds.

Blakeman was booted from the program in March after the Democratic majority on the Public Campaign Finance Board concluded he never filled out a nonexistent form identifying his running mate. Justice Denise Hartman concluded today that maneuver was “arbitrary and capricious.”

“Blakeman registered his campaign and certified compliance with the Program, attended mandatory training, publicly identified their joint-ticket, and submitted certified amended filings 11 days before the filing deadline,” Hartman wrote. “Yet he received no notice that the PCFB considered the submissions deficient until after the filing deadline had lapsed.”

Democrats on the board said “an appeal is likely.”

UNIONS BACK PRISON REFORM: A dozen unions will soon announce their support for a pair of penal reform bills that advocates hope will be on the agenda for this year’s brief post-budget session.

Labor organizations including 1199SEIU, District Council 37 and the New York State Nurses Association are backing the Earned Time Act, which would increase options for early release credits for participation in job training programs, and the Second Look Act, which would let inmates petition for early release after a decade.

“New York is facing an ongoing labor shortage that is slowing economic growth and straining industries across the state,” the unions wrote in a letter to state leaders. “Hundreds of thousands of jobs remain unfilled, even as thousands of New Yorkers are locked out of the workforce due to long prison sentences and limited access to programs that would allow them to earn release.”

Lawmakers are facing the likelihood they’ll have only two weeks to deal with post-budget issues before adjourning for the summer. But the Center for Community Alternatives’ Katie Schaffer was optimistic these measures might have some momentum, noting that state Sen. Jeremy Zellner’s decision today to cosponsor the Second Look Act means it’s now supported by a majority of his chamber. — Bill Mahoney

STRIKING A DEAL — The Metropolitan Transportation Authority’s Long Island Rail Road and five unions threatening to strike are only at odds over the fourth year of a three-year contract.

The last contract expired three years ago. The unions and the MTA have already reached a deal on the retroactive pay for those years, but remain apart on the fourth year, which begins this summer, according to people familiar with the sensitive negotiations on both sides of the table.

In public, the union’s last offer was a 5 percent pay increase, while the MTA’s was about 3 percent.

At one point, the MTA looked for changes to work rules, which critics of the unions say are arcane and overly generous. Now, the MTA has moved on to looking for one-time lump sum payments as an alternative to salary increases in the fourth year. The advantage to the MTA is that one-time payments aren’t reoccurring, but the unions want a built-in pay increase and cite ongoing inflation.

The unions said they are continuing to prepare for a strike and that no “contract talks” were scheduled today, though a formal bargaining session is scheduled for tomorrow.

“We are having discussions today,” MTA spokesperson John McCarthy told Blue Light News today. — Ry Rivard

SEEKING A ZYN WIN: Some form of a tax on nicotine pouch products like Zyn is expected to be included in a final state budget deal.

A coalition of private sector groups — including The Business Council of New York State — is trying to shape the details.

The business organizations are pushing state lawmakers and Hochul to adopt a 67-cent flat, unit-based tax as an alternative to the original proposal, which would place a 75 percent wholesale tax on the products. The groups wrote in a letter to the governor and top state legislators that their proposal will still prevent those under 21 from accessing the products and curtail an illegal market.

“It is a proven tax structure that keeps adult consumers purchasing through legal, taxed, and regulated channels, minimizes illicit trade, and preserves enforcement safeguards,” they wrote. “Importantly, it also provides stable and reliable revenue without importing the community and youth harms that accompany illegal markets.” — Nick Reisman

GRAND JURY SUBPOENA: NYU Langone received a grand jury subpoena last week requesting six years of information on patients under 18 who received gender-affirming care and the medical staff involved, according to an online disclosure.

Several other unnamed institutions received the subpoena, NYU Langone said in the notice. Under New York’s shield laws, local health care organizations must report subpoenas or requests for information regarding legally protected health activities to the state attorney general’s office.

“We understand that these developments may be concerning to our patients, providers, and others,” the health system wrote in the notice. “Please know that NYU Langone takes the privacy of your protected health information very seriously and we are evaluating our response to the subpoena.”

The subpoena by the U.S. Attorney’s Office in the Northern District of Texas, which was first reported in the newsletter Erin in the Morning, indicates federal prosecutors empaneled a grand jury to weigh potential criminal charges. Federal agencies reportedly subpoenaed NYU Langone and Mount Sinai last year demanding information on care for transgender minors.

NYU Langone shuttered its program for transgender youth earlier this year, citing the current regulatory environment. — Maya Kaufman

FROM CITY HALL

New York City Police Commissioner Jessica Tisch warned high traffic events this upcoming summer puts New York City at a security risk.

THINKING ABOUT THE UNTHINKABLE — New York City Police Commissioner Jassica Tisch told a ballroom of civic leaders this morning that the city remains a terrorist target, especially this summer, with a series of “major international events, enormous public gatherings and historic commemorations,” including the World Cup and America’s 250th birthday party.

“New York City is not only a global hub, it is a global target,” she said during a breakfast hosted by the Association for a Better New York.

Tisch said that “what begins overseas often finds its way here,” alluding to the war with Iran, the Oct. 7, 2023 attacks in Israel and emerging warfare strategies involving drones. She also mentioned domestic threats and lone actors.

What she didn’t go into is how a terrorist attack could scramble the political picture in New York City and affect the perception of her boss.

“An attack will always be exploited by the Mamdani derangement crowd, but I think a lot of it would depend on where it comes from,” said Richard Flanagan, a professor at the College of Staten Island, who wrote a book on challenges facing mayors.

Maki Haberfeld, a professor at the John Jay College of Criminal Justice, said if an attack comes from a Muslim group or individual inspired by ISIS, “It will be a huge liability for him because of who he is, being the first Muslim mayor of New York City.”

Basil Smikle, a Democratic strategist and political analyst, said Mamdani would be criticized in the same ways he was during his campaign, as young and progressive. And Mamdani, unlike Rudy Giuliani, who was praised after the 9/11 attacks, hasn’t had years in public life building a reputation around law and order. The information and political environment is also different now.

“That is a big difference from 2001 to now. You didn’t have the access to alternative viewpoints in the way you do now,” he said.

Right now, Flanagan sees Mamdani, in part because he kept Tisch on as head of NYPD, as balancing the law-and-order coalition and his own base, which looks for police reforms. “It’s a fine line and he’s walking it,” he said. — Ry Rivard

IN OTHER NEWS

— DYNAMIC DUO: President Donald Trump defended Mamdani on a conservative talk radio show Tuesday, calling him a ‘nice guy,’ but he criticized his proposed second-home tax, warning it could drive the rich out of the city. (POLITICO)

— NOT-SO-NICE SUNSET: The presence of federal immigration enforcement agents in New York City is impacting immigrant-majority neighborhoods like Sunset Park, where nearly 80% of businesses reported a decrease in sales and foot traffic. (Gothamist)

— FEES ON NOTICE: The New York senate is pushing to pass consumer protection bills that go after deceptive business practices, including surveillance pricing and junk fees. (Spectrum News)

Politics

The GOP has a midterm messaging problem. Ramaswamy isn’t helping

Published

4 hours ago

October 21, 2026

Blue Light Newsroom

The GOP has a midterm messaging problem. Ramaswamy isn’t helping

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Politics

Why Republicans’ massive cash advantage is evaporating on the airwaves

Published

5 hours ago

October 21, 2026

Blue Light Newsroom

Republicans are banking on a massive cash edge to help save their majority in Congress. But they are losing much of that advantage in an important arena: broadcast TV ads.

Republicans have spent $677 million on those ads across 10 key Senate battleground states, compared to $479 million by the Democrats. But the GOP’s money isn’t going nearly as far because they’re more dependent on outside groups that pay much higher rates than candidates.

The disparity has helped Democrats stay in the fight for Senate control amid an onslaught of GOP outside spending.

In Ohio’s Senate race, Republican groups make up 63% of the $218 million spent. But in spite of their nearly two-to-one spending advantage, they make up just over half of ads that are on the airwaves, according to data from the tracking service AdImpact. In Texas, Republicans have outspent Democrats by a three-to-one margin, but have aired just 58% of the ads. And in Michigan, the GOP accounts for 60% of the spending but just over half of the ads.

A large part of this discrepancy comes down to the mechanics of broadcast advertising. Candidates, and now political parties thanks to a recent Supreme Court ruling, are entitled to significantly lower rates. That has allowed Democratic candidates — who have posted bonkers fundraising hauls — to offset much of the GOP advantage in super PACs. Republican Senate candidates, on the other hand, struggled overall with their fundraising. And some GOP outside groups bought their ad time later, when it was even more expensive.

“There are limitations to the impact of ‘big money’ in politics,” said Sean Cooksey, a Republican former FEC commissioner. “It’s a good demonstration of the economics of campaign fundraising. Hard dollars really just go so much further.”

The disparity also shows “the Republican overreliance on outside groups,” said Ian Russell, a Democratic admaker.

“You get an eye-popping dollar amount, but it doesn’t actually translate into as many spots as you would think relative to a well-financed candidate,” Russell said. “[Republicans] were just hoping that they could spend their way out of everything that was going wrong for them. But the problem is, their issues run much deeper than a few ad buys can fix. Especially when you’ve got monster fundraising hauls from the Democratic side.”

Republicans in House and Senate races have long been more dependent on outside groups and megadonors, and for multiple cycles have seen their cash advantage undercut by fundraising strength from individual Democratic candidates. But that trend is particularly pronounced this year given the combination of Republican super PAC money and their candidates’ struggles.

In 2024, Republican outside groups spent only about 15% more than Democrats on TV ads across House and Senate general election contests, according to a Blue Light News analysis of AdImpact data. This cycle, GOP outside groups have spent 7% more.

In a few states, the discrepancy between dollars and airtime is less stark. Republicans account for 60% of the spending in Maine’s Senate race and an equal percentage of the ads, according to AdImpact. That’s in part because Sen. Susan Collins has outraised her Democratic opponent Troy Jackson over the whole cycle, although Jackson, who didn’t launch his campaign until July, raised far more in the third quarter.

The numbers show the shifting dynamics of campaign strategy after the Supreme Court opened the floodgates to more spending from parties by granting them the lower advertising rate.

Republicans have been faster to take advantage of the new rules: Major coordinated spending efforts from the NRSC and RNC have helped their side significantly this cycle.

Republicans have far outspent Democrats on Senate party-coordinated Senate advertising, $90 million to $34.6 million across TV, radio and digital ads, according to data from AdImpact.

“If I were the leader of either party, I would say you shouldn’t give a dollar, you shouldn’t give a single penny to these super PACs until you’ve maxed out to the party committee,” Cooksey said.

Some Republicans say that strategic errors have contributed to erasing their cash edge. A number of GOP strategists have also privately griped that MAGA Inc. — one of the major outside groups backing their candidates — bought TV airtime too late, forcing them to pay even higher rates and further draining resources and increasing the price of reaching voters. Republicans fretted for months about whether Trump’s well-financed super PAC, MAGA Inc., would get involved. The group has since spent heavily, but only launched its first general election ad buys in September.

“There is no question MAGA Inc. should have bought ads earlier in the cycle,” said one national GOP operative who was granted anonymity to discuss party strategy, noting that rates across the country increase as Election Day nears. Other top GOP outside groups, like the Senate Leadership Fund and the Congressional Leadership Fund, made their early advertising reservations much earlier in the cycle than MAGA Inc.

Trump allies waved away that criticism. A person familiar with the Trump operation’s midterm planning, granted anonymity to discuss strategy, said it’s “indisputable that the spending from the Trump political effort has kept us competitive in many Senate races.”

MAGA Inc. declined to comment.

Still, GOP outside groups are utilizing their cash advantage in some underappreciated ways.

Republican super PACs have massively outspent their Democratic counterparts on mail — roughly $157 million to $35 million for the general election — according to a Blue Light News analysis of independent expenditure filings submitted to the Federal Election Commission. That’s led by a whopping $44 million in spending on mail across 24 races from the Trump-aligned No Going Back PAC, along with $23.8 million across 20 races from Elon Musk’s America PAC.

GOP-aligned super PACs have also spent more than Democratic ones on phone calls and text messages, the data shows.

Politics

Rick Jackson is Georgia Republicans’ best hope. Donald Trump may get in the way.

Published

5 hours ago

October 21, 2026

Blue Light Newsroom

Georgia Republicans are counting on Rick Jackson to save them from a wipeout in November — if President Donald Trump doesn’t get in the way.

The billionaire health care executive and political newcomer has spent nearly $200 million since he entered the Georgia governor’s race earlier this year. That’s boosted GOP hopes as many in the party have all but given up on the state’s marquee Senate race, where Rep. Mike Collins is struggling to close the gap against a formidably well-funded Democratic Sen. Jon Ossoff. Republicans worry that their open contests for attorney general and lieutenant governor as well as control of the state general assembly could be in peril in a larger blue wave.

But Jackson’s deep pockets are being tested against a difficult political environment for Republicans, weighed down by unpopular Trump actions, including the war in Iran. And some in the GOP worry that the president’s repeated visits to Georgia could only make the situation worse.

“I don’t know that Trump coming helps Republicans more so than it excites Democrats, especially in a wave election year, and so becomes and becomes a catch-22 for Republican candidates,” said Jason Shepherd, a former Cobb County chair who is supporting Jackson.

One Georgia-based Republican strategist who is not involved in the gubernatorial race posited that Trump’s dual appearances in the state almost certainly did more harm than help. They, like others in this article, were granted anonymity to speak openly about the race to avoid reprisals.

“Every piece of data that I’ve seen, it is not MAGA Republicans that are unmotivated to vote in this election,” the person said. “All the data that I’ve seen is that the undecideds in our marquee races, and specifically in the governor’s race, have a very, very negative opinion of the president. So, I can’t really rationalize a case for how it would be helpful.”

Jackson, for his part, has carefully navigated his relationship with the president, and has not publicly broken with him on policy like other battleground Republicans. But he has not mentioned the president in any of the nearly 150 ads he’s run in the general election, according to an analysis of data from tracking firm AdImpact. Shortly after the RNC announced that Trump would return to the state this weekend, Jackson’s team said in a statement that the candidate will be campaigning in a different part of Georgia.

And during his only televised gubernatorial debate on Oct. 6 against Democrat Keisha Lance Bottoms, Jackson never name-dropped the president — despite his opponent invoking Trump’s name eight times. Instead, the Republican mentioned popular outgoing GOP Gov. Brian Kemp five times and focused on Bottoms’ tenure as mayor of Atlanta during the COVID pandemic.

“It’s been proven time and again that when the message is on Georgia, and the results under Brian Kemp and the conservative vision and roadmap that’s been laid out here, that we win in Georgia. When the focus is on D.C. and personal politics, we lose,” said Cole Muzio, president of the conservative Frontline Policy Action group.

The Jackson campaign declined to comment for this story.

“President Trump is the unequivocal leader, best messenger, and unmatched motivator for the Republican Party,” White House spokesperson Davis Ingle said in a statement.

Natalie Baldassarre, a spokesperson for the Republican National Committee, said in a statement that Republicans “are laser focused on winning, and our candidates will run the races necessary to best represent their districts and prevent Democrats from taking control.”

Jackson is one of several Republicans across the country who now must balance between keeping the president close enough to turn out Republican base voters, but not so closely as to alienate the center.

Though many Georgia Republicans see Jackson as their de-facto ticket-topper, they don’t see his win as a guarantee against Bottoms, the former Atlanta mayor, in a finicky battleground state like Georgia. Jackson has outspent Bottoms nearly five-to-one in the final stretch of the race, but still remains in a close race in public polling.

And yet, without him, Republicans fear the bottom would have already fallen out on races up and down the ballot, given how poorly Collins is performing in polls against Ossoff. Republicans’ top Senate super PAC, Senate Leadership Fund, was dark in Georgia last week, a sign the race may be slipping out of reach.

“If Rick Jackson weren’t running, we would all be in a lot of trouble,” said Stephen Lawson, a Georgia-based Republican strategist and Jackson ally. “He’s our best hope at keeping the state red.”

A second Georgia-based Republican strategist, who is working on other races in the state, underscored how Jackson’s money is keeping the party afloat. “There is no question in my mind that without the extra $150 million he spent in his general election, that the ticket would be lost,” this person said. “That is the only reason there’s still a fight to be had.”

But, this person cautioned, the race is still very much a toss-up, and Jackson’s victory will rely on a large share of Georgia voters choosing to split their ballots between Ossoff for Senate and Jackson for governor.

Jackson’s allies are optimistic that a significant number of voters will do just that. A private statewide poll reviewed by Blue Light News found that roughly 19% of Georgia voters say they are definitely or likely to cast a vote for at least one Democrat and one Republican — a potentially significant pool of crossover voters that could power two very different results in the marquee contests.

Whether the sheer force of Jackson’s spending will prove successful enough to overcome Trump is a microcosm of the larger issue his party is experiencing across the country: National Republicans, flush with cash, hold an enormous financial advantage over Democrats. But money alone may not be enough to insulate candidates in battlegrounds or even in traditionally red territory.

“I don’t know that Republicans across the country should feel as bullish about the cash influx that we’ve gotten because it didn’t work here,” said the first GOP operative. “In terms of actively moving races in our favor, it at least didn’t work here.”

In the last month, as Bottoms began to spend more heavily on the air amid Jackson’s spending advantage, her campaign has noted that polling has started to move marginally in her favor — even if the race remains largely within the margin of error. Her high name ID, as well as cash spent after the primary to define her early, are helping.

“Rick Jackson has spent $200 million in this campaign but all the money in the world can’t hide the fact that he would be a lackey for Donald Trump,” TaNisha Cameron, a spokesperson for Bottoms, said in a statement. “Despite being outspent, Keisha’s message is breaking through and she has the momentum in this race right when it matters.”

Jackson is making more of an effort to tie himself closely to Kemp, who won over moderates and independents in his 2022 reelection for governor and has an approval rating that sits 30 points higher than the president’s in Georgia, according to a recent poll by the Atlanta Journal-Constitution. Kemp, for his part, has continued to be a presence on the trail for Jackson, including joining him on a statewide tour earlier this month and appearing in at least three TV ads for the campaign.

But Jackson’s pathway to victory requires him to not only secure crossover voters that may support Ossoff in the Senate race or the type of voters who broke for Kemp, but also turn out the MAGA base who powered the president’s two presidential victories in the perennial battleground.

The president is intent on still showing up for him.

Shortly after Jackson dispatched Trump’s initially preferred candidate, Lt. Gov. Burt Jones, in June’s primary runoff, the president was quick to praise Jackson as standing “strong with ‘TRUMP.’” And in subsequent posts on Truth Social, Trump has called the health care executive a “good friend.”

Trump, onstage on Friday, called Jackson a “great businessman,” before adding: “I’ve been watching you, you are good, and he never did this before. Hedid it because he wants to straighten out things and he’s an amazing, an amazing story.”

Aaron Pellish contributed reporting.