Congress
Inside the ‘Cigar SCIF:’ How Tom Cole pulled off a House appropriations miracle
The crucial votes to fund the government last week were brokered in Speaker Mike Johnson‘s ceremonial office just off the House floor. But the groundwork to get the $1.6 trillion spending package through the chamber was laid in a literal smoke-filled room just steps away.
That would be the domain of Rep. Tom Cole, the 76-year-old cigar-and-whiskey-loving chair of the House Appropriations Committee. Inside that haunt, the Oklahoman took an unabashedly old-school approach over the course of months to getting the congressional funding process unstuck after a record-long, 43-day shutdown last year.
“That’s not actually an office — it’s a smoke room,” said Rep. Darrell Issa (R-Calif.), a regular in what some members cheekily call the “Cigar SCIF,” a play on the “sensitive compartmented information facilities” where government officials review state secrets.
Inside, Cole “doesn’t dazzle you with numbers, he works on people-to-people skills,” Issa said, “and it’s the reason we’ve gotten something done.”
That’s something of a miracle considering who Cole is and what his colleagues have demanded.
When Cole took the Appropriations gavel in the spring of 2024, conservative demands for spending reductions were mounting. Hard-liners citing unfulfilled promises of funding cuts had ousted Kevin McCarthy, a close Cole ally, from the speakership just six months earlier. Months later, Donald Trump was elected to a second term as president and immediately began freezing billions of dollars top appropriators had already fastidiously allocated.
“We often joke: Boy, did we get here at a bad time,” Cole said in an interview, describing the situation he and Senate Appropriations Chair Susan Collins (R-Maine) confronted.
While the politics of government spending grew stormy as 2025 wore on, Cole and his allies were biding their time and working — puff by puff and sip by sip — to build support for the government funding bills he was quietly negotiating with his counterparts across the aisle and across the Capitol.
Matters came to a head in the weeks after the longest shutdown in U.S. history concluded in November. Fiscal conservatives in the House were threatening to block passage of the bills Cole had helped craft — demanding changes to legislation that had already been settled with Democrats.
In early January, with tensions high and the chances for another lengthy shutdown rising, House Majority Whip Tom Emmer (R-Minn.) entered Cole’s office off the House floor. He emerged more than an hour later and gave Cole his public blessing to proceed with what appropriators had negotiated, a key vote of confidence from the GOP leadership.
“The bills are being built by the Appropriations Committee in the House and the Senate,” Emmer said. “Tom Cole and his colleagues on the Appropriations Committee are doing excellent work.”
House hard-liners, who were eyeing massive cuts to member-requested earmarks, didn’t secure any further changes to the funding bills. Now eleven of the 12 annual measures have been signed into law, guaranteeing cash through September for every federal agency except the embattled Department of Homeland Security.
Along the way Cole has won grudging respect from those same hard-liners, who give him credit for negotiating relatively flat overall funding levels and for trying to return the House to its traditional process of debating the 12 bills individually instead of as a catchall omnibus package.
“Heavy is the head that wears the crown,” Republican Rep. Scott Perry said of Cole in an interview. “Of course he listens. He listens because he has to listen — we have votes.”
Cole is “a big reason,” the Pennsylvania conservative continued, that the House is “crawling out of this hole of just ‘go along to get along’ in Washington, D.C.”
‘Space is a great gift’
While Freedom Caucus types like Perry tend not to be denizens of Cole’s tobacco-scented inner sanctum, a wide variety of members are often seen slipping in and out.
Alongside top Republican appropriators like California Rep. Ken Calvert are some GOP lawmakers who don’t sit on the spending panel, among them Reps. Derrick Van Orden of Wisconsin, Andrew Garbarino of New York and Don Bacon of Nebraska. Some Democrats, including California Rep. Jimmy Panetta, are known to drop in.
“I’ve learned more in that room than anywhere else in Congress about how things operate,” said Rep. Mark Alford, a second-term GOP congressman from Missouri who coined the “Cigar SCIF” moniker. “But it’s just good to have a place to have honest conversations and develop friendships.”
A grand photo of Cole’s great aunt, a famous Chickasaw storyteller known as Te Ata, is mounted beside a window overlooking the west front of the Capitol and the National Mall. Most days in winter, a fire burns in a black marble fireplace.
“I think space is a great gift, and I think it’s misused quite often,” Cole said. “These are grand settings. They’re lovely rooms. They’re obviously immediately adjacent to the floor. You can’t have much better real estate than that.”
Engraved on one chair is the name of Rep. Hal Rogers, the longest-serving House member and a former Appropriations chair. The 88-year-old Kentucky Republican is often by Cole’s side during House votes and spends hours each week in the room off the floor, which Rogers said wasn’t used as “an open forum” until Cole got the gavel.
When Nebraska GOP Rep. Mike Flood — more than 25 years Cole’s junior — came to Capitol Hill in 2022, he sought Cole’s guidance on how to get on the Financial Services Committee. He got an invitation to another one of Cole’s smoke-filled offices — this one upstairs, next to the Rules Committee hearing room where Cole was then serving as chair — and received an education on Congress from Cole and “four other guys north of 75.”
“The people who don’t avail themselves of that have a much different experience in Congress,” Flood said in an interview, “because they’re not learning the Congress as an institution, as a functioning way to make laws and govern Americans.”
Cole likes to be regarded as an institutionalist and a “practical politician.” He holds a masters degree from Yale and a doctorate from the University of Oklahoma — both in British history — and is an avid reader of nonfiction accounts of war and politics. He was a member of the Oklahoma Senate in the 1980s, ran the National Republican Congressional Committee in the 1990s, served as Oklahoma secretary of state and then came to Congress in 2003.
“Experience, knowledge, temperament and persistence — he has it all in spades,” said Rep. Mario Diaz-Balart (R-Fla.), a senior appropriator and one of Cole’s closest friends. “The cigar does not hurt.”
Beyond the House
Last March, Cole joined with House GOP leaders to halt bipartisan negotiations with Democrats and instead advanced a six-month funding patch — an audacious move that spurred Democratic fury and fueled the government shutdown this past fall.
“The Democrats just didn’t think we could do it,” Cole said. “I think that’s what made the 12 bills possible this year. They know we can do it. They know we will.”
Even as Trump directly undermines Congress’ power to steer funding, Cole frequently praises the president in the first lines of any speech or statement celebrating a spending deal. He also was among the Republicans who voted Jan. 6, 2021, against certifying Joe Biden as the winner of the 2020 election, saying in a statement at the time that he did so “on behalf of my constituents.”
“I look on the administration as allies, not as enemies. But I also recognize that they can’t just do what they want to do,” Cole said this year. “Anybody that thinks that Congress has somehow lost its power of the purse — it has not.”
As Congress stares down another partial government shutdown over DHS funding, Cole is deferring to the White House in negotiations with Democrats who are demanding changes to the administration’s immigration enforcement tactics.
“Clearly the decision is going to be made by the president on this,” he said.
Cole also doesn’t meddle in the negotiations of his “cardinals,” the dozen lawmakers who chair his panel’s subcommittees, empowering each of them to resolve differences with Democrats on their own.
“His word is gold,” said Rep. Chuck Fleischmann (R-Tenn.), one of those chairs. “He’s infinitely fair, infinitely reasonable. He is so well attuned to working with people.”
Cole instead focuses on negotiating overall totals and tricky policy disputes with Congress’ other three top appropriators: Collins, Rep. Rosa DeLauro (D-Conn.) and Sen. Patty Murray (D-Wash.).
None of those women smoke cigars, and they prefer to meet in Collins’ less-odorous office on the Senate side. But they all have a close relationship with Cole.
Murray and Cole go back years: They faced off in negotiations over health, education and labor funding as subcommittee chairs during Paul Ryan’s speakership. Cole described the Washington Democrat as “a candid politician” who is “steely in her resolve” but “wants to get to a deal.”
Cole said Collins reminds him of his mother, who was the first Native American woman to serve in the Oklahoma Senate. “Her political skills are formidable,” he said, and “she’s a hard person not to like.”
As for his Democratic counterpart in the House, Cole calls DeLauro one of his “favorite people in Congress” and describes her as “an Italian grandmother.”
The respect is mutual. “You make a lot of acquaintances in this business, but you have few friends,” DeLauro said in an interview. “Tom Cole is my friend.”
That relationship was built not only through years of hard-nosed negotiations but also gentler moments like a 2004 Middle East trip the pair took as part of a bipartisan delegation of appropriators.
“I’m going to drink all the bourbon with you that I can,” she recalled telling him. “On the other hand, I’m not smoking any cigars.”
The Oversight Committee slapped Leon Black with two subpoenas in the middle of his transcribed interview about his relationship with Jeffrey Epstein — after Black refused to answer questions about potential non-disclosure agreements he had with women tied to the late, convicted sex offender.
Oversight Committee Chair James Comer announced the issuance of the subpoenas — for the NDAs and for Black to reappear for a formal deposition July 16 — after the first hour of Black’s interview had concluded with the billionaire investor insisting he would not discuss the terms of those agreements.
Black had initially agreed to appear voluntarily, but under the terms of a deposition, his testimony will be videotaped and under oath.
“We believe that information is vital to our investigation,” Comer, a Kentucky Republican, told reporters Friday. “We want to know, was Jeffrey Epstein involved in the NDAs? … Was he involved in awarding [of] funds to the women for the NDAs? What was the reason for the NDAs?”
Rep. Robert Garcia (D-Calif.), the top Democrat on the panel, seconded Comer’s decision to force a deposition to compel information that he also described as central to the panel’s ongoing Epstein probe — a rare moment of bipartisanship in an investigation that has been plagued by partisan bickering.
“There’s no question that as soon as this interview started, that the witness was not going to answer critical questions,” he told reporters.
After Black had already departed from the closed-door interview, his lawyer, Susan Estrich, said that Epstein “had no involvement with any NDAs, whether they exist or not,” and said her client has never abused a woman.
“They made a premeditated political decision to serve him with subpoenas after less than an hour of questioning, and before they even asked a single question about his legitimate payments to Epstein,” she said, referring to members of the Oversight panel. “This was nothing more than a planned political stunt.”
Estrich represented the late Fox News chairman Roger Ailes when he was facing sexual misconduct accusations. Black has also battled his own allegations of sexual assault, though he has denied the accusations — along with having had knowledge of Epstein’s wrongdoing over the course of their relationship.
Several Democrats who attended the interview were aghast at Black’s lack of cooperation. Rep. Melanie Stansbury of New Mexico told reporters that more than one of Epstein’s accusers had previously accused Black of committing sexual misconduct against them, too.
“Before Mr. Black left the interview, he admitted that he lived close to Epstein,” Stansbury said. “He often dined at his house. He went over for breakfast, for happy hours, attended impromptu dinners with world leaders, with academics, with scientists.”
Rep. Suhas Subramanyam (D-Va.) alleged that Black “gush[ed] poetically about how smart and how great Jeffrey Epstein was” and accused him of walking out on the committee.
The bipartisan desire to get more information from Black comes as the committee’s Epstein investigation is set to hit the one-year mark in July, after Oversight Committee Democrats — frustrated with the Justice Department’s refusal to release the so-called Epstein files — forced a bipartisan vote to facilitate the publication of relevant materials.
That vote jumpstarted a congressional probe that has led to interviews with more than a dozen witnesses, including ex-Attorney General Pam Bondi, Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick, Bill and Hillary Clinton and Bill Gates.
Comer has also asked acting Attorney General Todd Blanche to speak with his panel in the coming weeks, after Bondi accused him of being at the tip of the spear in overseeing the eventual release of the Epstein files in compliance with a law Congress passed in December.
Members will have more to ask Blanche following the Justice Department’s admission on Thursday that the DOJ had been violating the law Congress passed last November requiring the public release of the vast majority of government records relating to Epstein.
A federal judge gave Blanche one week to release certain names and other information that DOJ initially redacted from the millions of pages of the Epstein files — or provide a more detailed explanation for withholding them.
Critics believe the department has been seeking to protect powerful people implicated in Epstein’s crimes — including potentially President Donald Trump, who has not been charged with wrongdoing and has denied misconduct.
A coalition of children’s safety advocates is urging House leaders to reject a bipartisan compromise on online safety, arguing it weakens protections for minors and lets tech companies avoid accountability.
In a letter first shared with Blue Light News, the groups urged Speaker Mike Johnson, House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, House Energy and Commerce Chair Brett Guthrie (R-Ky.) and ranking member Frank Pallone (D-N.J.) to oppose the bipartisan package — known as the KIDS Act — ahead of a potential House vote as soon as next week.
Led by Design It For Us, ParentsTogether, the National Center on Sexual Exploitation and the Young People’s Alliance and signed by 90 other organizations, the coalition said the deal struck by Energy and Commerce lawmakers fails to address its chief concern: the omission of a “duty of care” provision that would require tech companies to mitigate harms they know their products cause to young users.
“The Committee rejected our concerns and opted to negotiate a version that let Big Tech off the hook and rush this legislation to the House floor,” they wrote.
The warning comes after the groups previously raised similar concerns when the committee approved a version of the KIDS Act along party lines in March.
The Senate’s version of the Kids Online Safety Act — an expected component of Sen. Marsha Blackburn’s ongoing negotiations over online safety regulations — includes the “duty of care” language. Some House members have raised concerns that it could incentivize social media platforms to overzealously censor content to avoid litigation.
“It pains us that, given how hard we have fought for a strong federal solution to online child protection and for a strong bill to move to the House floor, the KIDS Act is the bill the House is championing,” they wrote, urging lawmakers to oppose the bill.
Parents RISE, a coalition of parents who have experienced child loss or mental health difficulties due to tech platforms, sent a second letter to the same parties laying out similar qualms. “We did not create Social Media Victims Remembrance Day so that our children’s names could be used as cover for a bill that protects the very companies that harmed them,” they wrote.
Tech industry group NetChoice has come out against the KIDS Act over censorship concerns.
Spokespeople for Johnson, Jeffries, Guthrie and Pallone did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
Leon Black told the House Oversight Committee on Friday that he had no knowledge of Jeffrey Epstein’s crimes during the years he paid the convicted sex offender tens of millions of dollars, according to a copy of the billionaire investor’s prepared remarks.
“I don’t understand why people — including members of this committee — would accept baseless speculation about me without regard to the facts and spin such ugly and vicious narratives that are demonstrably false,” Black said in his opening statement, obtained by Blue Light News.
Lawmakers, however, filed into Black’s scheduled transcribed interview Friday morning already suspicious of their witness. House Oversight Chair James Comer (R-Ky.) told reporters he believed Black’s testimony had “the potential to be the most groundbreaking” of anything the panel has heard so far in its long-running Epstein investigation.
Comer also said the committee had reason to believe that Black had signed nondisclosure agreements with some of Epstein’s victims.
Black, a co-founder of Apollo Global Management, did acknowledge in his prepared remarks that he was aware of Epstein’s 2008 sex crime conviction at the time of their association but that “Epstein told me that it was an isolated incident resulting from a fake ID.”
“Five years after his conviction, I gave Epstein a second chance, as did many others,” he continued. “I wish I had not.”
Black also told lawmakers that he knew Epstein for 18 years before he began paying him in 2013 for tax and estate planning. At that time, Black said, he saw Epstein surrounded by some of the world’s most powerful people — among them former President Bill Clinton, tech mogul and philanthropist Bill Gates and then-White House counsel Kathy Ruemmler.
And he appeared to suggest that he saw Epstein as legitimate, in part, because of those who chose to associate with him: “Epstein appeared to me and to many others to have redeemed himself: [H]e served on several prestigious boards, hobnobbed with leading people in academia, the arts, business executives, and numerous world leaders.”
Clinton and Gates have already spoken with Oversight investors about their ties to Epstein; Ruemmler has agreed to sit for an interview with the panel in July.
Black said he ultimately fired Epstein in 2018 “after growing tired of his relentless pursuit of more and more money from me for professional services, his mistruths and misrepresentations … and his failure to repay most of a $30 million demand loan that I had made to him.”
He also acknowledged the allegations of sexual misconduct that have been levied against him in litigation, which he called “demonstrably baseless” and “entirely fabricated.”
In one recent case, the judge found that the law firm that had been representing Black’s accusers and the plaintiff in the case were “engaged in serious, sanctionable misconduct in this case.” However, the lawsuit — brought by a woman who claimed to have been raped by Black when she was 16 — was allowed to proceed.
“There are numerous allegations of real abuse by women — by survivors — against Mr. Black,” Rep. Robert Garcia of California, the top Democrat on the Oversight panel, told reporters Friday morning.
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