Congress
Inside how the Capitol Police has changed since Jan. 6, 2021
As Congress prepares to certify another election on Jan. 6, the U.S. Capitol Police looks like a vastly different agency than it was ahead of the attack on the Capitol four years ago.
Security officials on Blue Light News were widely excoriated for the lack of preparedness ahead of the attempted insurrection, prompting multiple high-level resignations in the following weeks. An oft-repeated criticism was that officials should have requested help prior to the attack, given clear signals that there would be a huge protest coming to the area with the potential to turn violent. Those issues coincided with a steep increase in violent threats made against members of Congress.
With that in mind, Capitol Police Chief Tom Manger has sought to shift the agency’s identity as a traditional police force with a focus on Capitol Hill to a “protective force” built on intelligence gathering, threat assessment and flexing its nationwide authority and jurisdiction. It now has an intelligence bureau with dozens of agents, as well as field offices in Florida and California, with more possible in Massachusetts, Wisconsin and Texas.
But those shifts come at a cost. Capitol Police now operates with a $791.5 million budget, up more than 70 percent since the Capitol attack. Even accounting for inflation, that’s more than seven times the 9/11-era budget. Total spending is expected to reach $1 billion in the next few years, with officials requesting another 14 percent increase for next year’s budget.
“If all we had to do was protect the members of Congress on Capitol grounds, our budget would be a fraction of what it is,” Manger said in a recent interview. “We’ve got to protect the members of Congress all over the country.”
That has prompted some lawmaker questions about oversight. While Congress is the one that greenlights that funding, there’s an inescapable conflict given members’ increased fears for their own safety. No lawmakers publicly criticize USCP for its additional efforts to protect members — a difficult and complex task — but some would like to see transparency ramp up as more cash flows to the department, wondering if the increased money has really translated to increased safety.
“I think we need a lot of oversight on the United States Capitol Police processes, and that includes budget,” said Rep. Morgan Griffith (R-Va.), who sits on the House Administration Committee. “We need to be more active. And we need more transparency coming from leadership.”
In addition to the intelligence gathering operations, the new money has also gone toward addressing staffing shortages and attrition, with mixed results. Capitol Police leaders were already trying to grow the department before Jan. 6, as many of the officers were approaching retirement eligibility. Then hundreds more officers left en masse after the attack, too. Capitol Police officials now say that the first responder’s unit, expanded bicycle team, crowd management and civil disturbance units are “now appropriately trained and equipped.” While the department is still recruiting aggressively, staff has grown by between 300 and 400 employees since the riot, not counting hundreds of others hired to backfill retirements and attrition.
Back in December 2021, the FBI and multiple law enforcement agencies from NYPD to Washington State had raised concerns about the possibility that Donald Trump’s supporters would turn violent on Jan. 6. Capitol Police’s own intelligence unit saw social media posts about a plot to breach the complex — complete with maps of the building’s tunnels and explicit threats of violence against members of Congress.
But on Jan. 5 2021, guidance circulated within Capitol Police that “at this time there are no specific known threats related to the Joint Session of Congress Electoral College Vote Certification.” It couldn’t have been further from the truth or more disconnected from various intelligence, including the department’s own.

After years of expansion and training, Manger now describes the capabilities of the intelligence bureau of USCP as “world class.” He said it includes social media, emails, telephone calls and every other avenue for threats that are made against members and the Capitol. Manger told senators last week that the department has implemented all of the official recommendations for changes to USCP made by lawmakers in the wake of the attack.
One key area they’re still trying to expand is threat assessment teams that handle the growing threats against lawmakers. Manger estimated that, in 2024, threats will eclipse previous years to “well over 8,000” against members and the Capitol complex, compared to just 1,000 to 2,000 a decade ago. He said that despite increased staffing, caseloads for the special agents investigating the threats are still too high. There’s also significant turnover in these high-pressure roles that are outside the protection of the Capitol Police union.
“This has been a really, really difficult cycle for a number of members whose families have been threatened,” Rep. Annie Kuster (D-N.H.) said. “They have death threats out for them, they have to have special security.”
Capitol Police also monitors residential security for members of leadership — changes were made to that process after the attack on Paul Pelosi in former Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s San Francisco home last year. There has been a drumbeat of demand from lawmakers for more protection when they are outside the heavily protected Capitol grounds, whether in their districts, in transit and especially at events where many members gather together and could be targeted.
“We’re concerned about the safety of our family members, ourselves and our staff both here locally and in our district offices and our homes,” said Legislative Branch Appropriations Subcommittee ranking member Rep. Adriano Espaillat (D-N.Y.). “This is escalating … it’s nasty out there.”
Capitol Police insist these changes have made them better equipped to deal with threats. Manger called their responsibility to protect lawmakers a “24/7 no-fail mission” and said that has required more officers, training and administrative staff — all of which takes more money.
But concerns about oversight remain. After the 2021 attack, both lawmakers and outside groups urged an overhaul of the oversight apparatus for the USCP, which largely falls to the Capitol Police board. The halting and uncoordinated response of the board while Blue Light News was overrun drew calls for restructuring.

The 141-year-old board — which is made up of the House and Senate sergeants at arms and the architect of the Capitol, with a nonvoting presence by the Capitol Police chief — was built to encourage a deliberative decision-making process, not for responding quickly to a violent crisis on the Capitol’s doorstep. Resignations and firings led to a wholesale replacement of the board after the attack, but the structure remains unchanged.
“Do I think that there’s tweaks that could be made to make the whole sort of oversight system a little better? Absolutely,” Manger said. But “I’m trying to work within that structure.”
Not everyone is so sure those changes have helped matters. Griffiths said that USCP still has issues with being transparent with lawmakers who are explicitly tasked with overseeing the department, saying “my assessment is that it is not improving.”
“Congress propelled Capitol Police funding and manpower into the stratosphere but failed to launch the accountability mechanisms that would keep the police on mission,” longtime transparency advocate Daniel Schuman from the American Governance Institute said in a recent interview.
Meanwhile, Capitol Police funding has been on a steady upward climb since 1998, when a gunman bypassed a security checkpoint and killed two USCP officers in his attempt to enter the Capitol office suite of then-Majority Whip Tom DeLay. The Capitol Police began seeking — and receiving — a reliable series of budgetary increases which have not slowed.
The Capitol Police are requesting $906 million, a 14 percent increase over current funding levels for fiscal 2025. The department’s funding will be finalized as lawmakers negotiate a spending deal in the new year.
Jordain Carney and Nicholas Wu contributed to this report.
Congress
Todd Blanche won’t get Thursday vote in Senate Judiciary Committee
The Senate Judiciary Committee has abandoned plans to advance Todd Blanche’s nomination as attorney general Thursday, according to a committee spokesperson.
The decision comes as Sens. John Cornyn (R-Texas) and Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) continue to push the Justice Department to revise a controversial settlement agreement between President Donald Trump and the IRS. A “no” vote from either senator would effectively sink Blanche’s nomination.
The two senators met Wednesday with Judiciary Chair Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) but did not announce any breakthrough.
“Chairman Grassley works to set President Trump’s nominees up for success in committee, not failure,” said the spokesperson, who declined to be named. “Senators Cornyn and Tillis want written assurances from the Department of Justice regarding the Trump-IRS settlement. Tomorrow’s markup is postponed as work continues to secure sufficient support in committee to favorably report [Blanche], who is highly qualified for the job.”
The meeting could still be rescheduled if Cornyn and Tillis are placated, but any delay threatens Senate GOP leaders’ plans to confirm Blanche before the chamber adjourns for its summer recess next week.
Congress
White House pitches Senate GOP on ‘tight’ party-line bill focused on military, farm aid
White House officials urged Senate Republicans on Wednesday to quickly adopt a spending blueprint for a narrowly focused party-line spending bill, but they struggled to quash GOP skepticism about the administration’s vision.
White House budget director Russ Vought stressed during the private lunch meeting with Senate Republicans that the next package passed under the filibuster-skirting budget reconciliation process should include only President Donald Trump’s most urgent priorities — particularly defense spending and aid for farmers.
Vought said Republicans should not seek to cut spending or otherwise offset the deficit impact of the tens of billions of dollars the Trump administration wants enacted, nor should they attempt to raise the debt limit.
“It should be tight,” he told reporters as he exited the lunch. “It should be for the defense needs that we need now, for the [agriculture] needs that we need now. And to get this as straight a shot to the president’s desk as possible.”
That approach comports with the $95 billion framework the House adopted last week before lawmakers there left Washington for their summer recess. But Vought and other White House officials faced pushback in the room Wednesday on a variety of issues.
Majority Leader John Thune warned afterward that he doesn’t believe he has the votes for the narrow budget resolution the Trump administration is contemplating. He said there was a disconnect between the narrow bill the White House is seeking and the political challenges it creates.
Those challenges revolve around “vote-a-rama” — a feature of the reconciliation process that allows Democrats to force a series of amendment votes that could put GOP senators in tough spots. The more committees the budget resolution “instructs” to deliver legislation, the more opportunities Democrats will have to create political mischief for Republicans.
“Some of the things that are contemplated being done in this reconciliation bill, or in this budget resolution legislation, are things that could implicate a number of committees,” Thune said. “Obviously that creates an uphill challenge in terms of trying to ensure that you have 50” votes.
Senators also aired concerns about Trump’s obsessive focus on the GOP elections bill known as the SAVE America Act. The House blueprint contemplates including parts of that bill in the party-line package.
But Senate Budget Chair Ron Johnson (R-Wis.) said doing so in the Senate could involve more committees — and open up the range of issues Democrats would be able to force politically troublesome votes on.
“I think we all hate vote-a-rama,” Johnson added. “Some people are more sensitive to the kind of votes they have to take.”
In another complication, some Senate defense hawks want more military spending than the $60 billion House Republicans laid out in their own framework. Johnson said he and other Republicans expect to meet with Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth later Wednesday to discuss the Pentagon’s needs.
But other Senate Republicans, such as Sen. Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska), aren’t convinced it’s a good idea to pursue another party-line bill at all.
“It used to be we would try to figure out how we worked through some challenging problems with the minority,” she said.
Murkowski added that the Trump administration’s strategy of relying on the reconciliation process to avoid bipartisan negotiations only works if a majority of Republican senators go along with the plan.
“It’s not always guaranteed that you get 50” votes, she said.
Vought, meanwhile, leaned on the potential for yet another party-line reconciliation package to be enacted after the midterm elections as another vehicle to deliver key priorities. That could include a debt limit increase, he said, along with yet another tranche of defense cash to meet Trump’s $1.5 trillion goal for annual military spending.
The various legislative vehicles left some GOP senators scratching their hands as they left the lunch.
Asked if he had gotten clarity from Vought & Co., Sen. Josh Hawley (R-Mo.) said, “‘Not really’ is the short answer.”
Congress
Cruz drops plans to advance AI bills next week
Senate Commerce Chair Ted Cruz said Wednesday he is again postponing a highly anticipated markup of artificial intelligence bills planned for next week.
Instead, the Texas Republican said in an interview Wednesday, the panel will only take up bills focused on kids’ online safety.
Cruz said senators could not strike a deal on AI legislation in time for the committee to vote next week.
“We are going to do a markup on kids’ safety next week,” Cruz told Blue Light News. “We have moved the broader AI markup to September. … It’s our intention still to mark those up, but it is taking longer to get bipartisan agreement.”
Cruz said the committee would mark up the Kids Online Safety Act, led by Sen. Marsha Blackburn (R-Tenn.), along with other measures.
Under the panel’s rules, the chair must publish an agenda a week in advance. The committee did not immediately respond to a question about exactly which bills would be on the docket.
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