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‘I’m staying out of Maine’: Chuck Schumer sidelines himself with the Senate majority on the line

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The fate of the Senate majority could lie in the hands of 601 yet-to-be-chosen Maine Democrats. And Chuck Schumer, known for working every possible angle to give his party’s campaigns an edge, is largely helpless to do anything about it.

The sidelines are an unusual place for the longtime Senate Democratic leader. Known for his heavy-handed interventions during his successful tenure leading the party’s campaign arm, his well-documented recruiting in key battleground races this year and penchant for near-constant backchanneling via his signature flip phone, Schumer is well aware he is now facing a new political reality.

If he were to publicly back a candidate ahead of the party’s nominating convention later this month, it would likely be used against that candidate by his or her opponents. Instead, with a truncated primary timeline, Schumer is keeping his focus on the general election in November — and on defeating a longtime nemesis, veteran Republican Sen. Susan Collins.

Asked in a brief interview Tuesday if he would endorse a candidate before the July 25 convention, Schumer said, “I’m staying out of Maine.”

Sen. Dick Durbin of Illinois, the No. 2 Democratic leader, said in an interview Schumer’s reticence makes sense: “At this point, there are so many nominees and possibilities, I can see why he’s holding back.”

One person with knowledge of Schumer’s thinking said the New York Democrat is leaving the 11-hour primary battle up to Mainers. Two other people close to Schumer, who were also granted anonymity to speak candidly about his approach, said he would stay far away from the race to replace Graham Platner and not pick a favorite — at least not publicly — in part out of concern that if he picks a candidate it could backfire.

“He doesn’t want to put his thumb on the scale,” said a fourth person, a Democratic strategist. “Anyone he wants would be toxic.”

Schumer’s previous intervention in the Granite State already fell flat this cycle. He spent months wooing Gov. Janet Mills to enter the race against Collins, assuming the four-term statewide office holder would be best positioned to appeal to the older women who have been a key element of the incumbent’s coalition.

But Mills, 78, ran a listless campaign, raised little money and watched as 41-year-old insurgent Graham Platner captured the hearts of Maine Democrats and broad national attention.

Schumer’s reliance on a known quantity is looking more prudent in hindsight — especially after Blue Light News reported this month on a woman’s accusation that Platner forced her to have sex with him. Platner has denied the allegation but ended his campaign after it emerged.

As the saga played out in recent weeks, Schumer has refrained from stepping into the renewed primary battle. Instead, in an initial statement responding to the rape allegation, Schumer and DSCC Chair Kirsten Gillibrand (D-N.Y.) said Maine Democrats should have “the opportunity to choose a new candidate who can defeat Susan Collins.”

After Platner withdrew, Schumer sidestepped the primary all together, saying in a statement that “Democrats are going to defeat Susan Collins, win Maine, and take back the Senate.” It’s similar to the tack Schumer took last month as questions piled up about Platner’s background.

Behind the scenes, several Maine candidates said they have seen no evidence that Schumer or the Washington-based groups he holds major influence over — the DSCC and Senate Majority PAC — have intervened in the renomination process.

A spokesperson for Nirav Shah and a person close to Shanna Bellows, who were granted anonymity to discuss internal conversations, said the two campaigns had not heard from Schumer or the groups. A person close to businessman Dan Kleban, also granted anonymity, said he was unaware of any outreach. A spokesperson for Troy Jackson did not respond to a request for comment.

While Schumer is keeping his distance from the primary, he’s still a character in it. Several contenders have been asked to weigh in on whether he should continue as Democratic leader. Kleban posted an article last week titled in part, “I Won’t Vote for Chuck Schumer for Leader.”

It’s not just Schumer who is tapping out as Maine Democrats choose a successor for Platner. Several senators in the progressive wing of Schumer’s caucus who had earlier backed Platner over Mills — including Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.), Martin Heinrich (D-N.M.) and Sheldon Whitehouse (D-R.I.) — also say they have no plans to endorse before the convention.

Several had defended Platner as damaging revelations emerged, including after a New York Times story that detailed disturbing accounts from several ex-girlfriends, then called for him to drop out in the wake of the Blue Light News report.

“They have a process,” Heinrich said of Maine Democrats. “They’re the most informed people to figure out who best to pick up the mantle.”

The DSCC for its part is letting the Maine Democratic Party lead the renomination process and is otherwise focused on defeating Collins and building resources for the eventual nominee, according to a person granted anonymity to discuss private strategy. The group has also started a fund that is expected to be transferred to the nominee once named.

It still amounts to a leap of faith given the high stakes for Senate Democrats. They started the two-year election cycle as clear underdogs given which states were set to be contested in 2026. Now they believe they are within striking distance thanks to Trump’s low approval numbers and political headwinds for the GOP including the ongoing Iran war.

But to flip the majority, Democrats need to effectively run the table — flipping four GOP seats while holding onto all of their own.

Democrats have long viewed Maine as a crucial if not strictly essential element to any path to the majority. While Schumer has touted his recruiting coups in states like Alaska, North Carolina and Ohio, they were all won by Donald Trump in 2024. Collins is the only Republican running in a state won by Kamala Harris.

If Democrats’ can’t win Maine, they would need to flip Iowa or Texas — two states they believe they’ve put on the board through recruiting but have a strong recent history of electing Republicans to federal office.

“Despite all the attacks Chuck Schumer’s been facing, the reason why Democrats are in a position to take over the Senate is because of Schumer’s candidate recruitment, fundraising and organizing,” said Robert Zimmerman, a Democratic National Committee member from New York.

Those who have had a front-row seat to Schumer’s inveterate politicking over the years are taking note of the dilemma he now faces.

Sen. Richard Blumenthal (D-Conn.) said he was “not surprised” by Schumer staying out of the race as the party undertakes a messy sprint to pick a new nominee.

“I can imagine why he would stay out of it,” he said. “I can imagine why he would get into it.”

Andrew Howard, Jessica Piper and Calen Razor contributed to this report.

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Congress

No one wants to be on the Senate Ethics Committee

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The Senate could soon be in the market for a new internal cop. Nobody wants the job.

The top two lawmakers on the Senate Ethics Committee are poised to take over other panels next year, depending on the outcome of the midterms. Republican Sen. James Lankford of Oklahoma, the current chair, is in line to potentially lead the Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs, while the current senior Democrat, Sen. Chris Coons of Delaware, would chair the Foreign Relations Committee if his party flips the chamber.

Asked if he’d want to stay on as Ethics chair, Lankford laughed.

“No one asks to be on the Ethics Committee. No one — you can ask Chris Coons the same thing — no one asks to be on the Ethics Committee,” he said. “You’re asked to be on it and it’s a way of serving your conference.”

Coons was more diplomatic when asked if he wanted to serve on the panel again in any capacity, patting Lankford and himself on the back for their ability to “reach effective, swift, reasonable bipartisan resolutions to complex issues.”

“I enjoy the members of the committee,” he added.

Serving as chair of the Ethics Committee is an unenviable role — requiring lawmakers to lead investigations into allegations of misconduct against their coworkers and, in many cases, their friends.

There are also few rewards for the assignment: Unlike other committee leadership posts, sitting atop Ethics doesn’t provide a fundraising foothold or generate campaign ad-worthy headlines. It leaves little incentive for any lawmaker to take on the task.

“Nobody wants to be chair of the Ethics Committee. Period,” said Sen. Jim Risch of Idaho, the second-most-senior member of the panel who is also expected to continue leading Foreign Relations Republicans. “It’s very difficult when you have matters you have to deal with concerning your friends and colleagues.”

The third-ranking Ethics Committee Republican, Sen. Deb Fischer of Nebraska, noted she’s on tap to become Rules Committee chair next year.

As for whether she’d be willing to lead Ethics, too, she replied, “Deb Fischer is not going to do that.”

Unlike the House Ethics Committee, which has picked up the pace in recent months in holding members accountable, the Senate Ethics Committee has gone through long stretches of public inaction. It has issued just two public rebukes in the past decade: a letter of admonition to former Sen. Bob Menendez (D-N.J.) in 2018, and one to the late Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) in 2023. Aside from those instances, one would have to go all the way back to 2012 to find the next most recent public disciplinary action.

When Menendez was found by the panel to have improperly received gifts from a friend — then used his position of power to advance that person’s interests following a mistrial in his federal bribery case — the committee wrote him a letter of admonition requiring him to repay the gifts.

Menendez went on to be convicted in a subsequent federal corruption case on charges of bribery and acting as a foreign agent, resulting in an 11-year prison sentence.

The Senate Ethics Committee slapped Graham with an admonishment in 2023 for “impermissibly conducted campaign activity in a federal building.”

Neither Senate Majority Leader John Thune nor Minority Leader Chuck Schumer — who are both focused on the Nov. 3 midterms — have spoken publicly about who they might put atop the Ethics panel if they find themselves needing a new chair.

There are also some unknowns. For Lankford to take over Homeland Security, for instance, current Chair Rand Paul of Kentucky would need to first decide whether to decamp for the Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee, where Louisiana Sen. Bill Cassidy’s retirement will leave an opening.

Given the Ethics Committee’s distinction as a “select” panel, Senate leaders have more leeway over who they tap for a chair position, especially if they run into hurdles finding someone willing to take it.

It’s rare, but not unheard of, for a senator to lead both the Ethics Committee and a “standing” committee simultaneously. It’s happened on three occasions since the committee was given its name in 1977, according to data compiled by the Congressional Research Service and the Senate Historical Office.

That means Lankford or Coons could end up being asked to continue in their roles, even if they are also chairing another panel. If not, Senate leaders could struggle to find a replacement further down the committee rosterr, which would force them to bring in a senator not currently on the panel.

Democrats already need to recruit at least one new member to the panel: Sen. Jeanne Shaheen of New Hampshire is not returning for the next Congress, and Sen. Brian Schatz of Hawaii is expected to succeed outgoing Sen. Dick Durbin in the caucus’s No. 2 leadership spot.

As for Republicans, Risch said he’ll pass.

He burst into laughter and said he was confused why someone would ask if he wanted to serve as chair.

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Bernie Moreno says GOP needs to prep for ‘Last Supper’ reconciliation bill

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Sen. Bernie Moreno said Thursday he expects the Senate to move a party-line legislative package after the midterm elections — especially if Democrats flip one or both chambers.

“We will do a reconciliation bill — one way or the other we will,” the Ohio Republican told reporters at the Capitol, referring to the simple-majority budget process. “Obviously, if we lose control of Congress, it’ll be the Last Supper.”

Such a bill, he added, would be “giant” and would include “all the Republican priorities that we can get done.”

The House approved a framework for a party-line bill over the summer that includes war funding, farm aid and election integrity incentives. But the push has so far run aground in the Senate

Moreno said the threat of imminent Democratic control of either the House or Senate would jumpstart matters — and potentially push Republicans to include a debt-ceiling increase as well.

The borrowing limit is set to be reached sometime next year, and a Democratic majority could have significant leverage to demand concessions as part of any deal — something the GOP could forestall by acting in the lame-duck session.

“I mean, nobody wants to see a debt default,” Moreno said. “That would be 1929 on steroids.”

Rep. Rob Wittman (R-Va.) also told reporters on Capitol Hill that a new reconciliation bill “has to happen” after the election but warned against expanding the scope of the House framework.

“I think you have to go with the one that we’ve got,” he told reporters. “The Senate needs to act and get the job done.”

A senior member of the Armed Services Committee, Wittman said the legislation is “key to restock our weapons magazine” and “should be the main focus when [members] get back.”

Moreno said if Democrats win control of both chambers, Republicans should stay in session nonstop to pass GOP legislation — which could be a tall order given worries about poor post-election attendance.

“If we lose the House and the Senate, we should be here from Nov. 9 until Dec. 31 with no break at all,” Moreno said. “Like, we’ll have turkeys here for Thanksgiving because we have to get this done.”

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Authorities investigate ‘suspicious substances’ mailed to congressional offices

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Authorities are investigating letters containing “suspicious substances” sent to multiple Capitol Hill offices, according to a notice sent to senior congressional staff.

“Law enforcement officials are working to intercept any additional letters before they are delivered, however, it is possible that some letters may reach their destinations,” says a memo from the Senate Sergeant at Arms and obtained by Blue Light News.

The Capitol Police, FBI and U.S. Postal Inspection Service are involved in the probe, according to the notice, which said additional letters have been mailed to other addresses across the U.S., including lawmakers’ state and district offices.

It is unclear if any of the suspicious letters reached Capitol Hill. Letters and packages sent to congressional offices are subject to off-site screening under a system established after the 2001 anthrax attacks.

The memo includes a photo of one of the suspicious envelopes and warns staff to keep an eye out for warning signs, such as messy handwriting or postmarks that do not match the return address. The memo was first reported by Bloomberg Government.

Suspicious letters were also sent to state election offices and election officials, according to a joint statement Wednesday from the National Association of Secretaries of State and National Association of State Election Directors.

They said they are working with law enforcement to protect “personnel and facilities” and that contingency plans and security measures are in place to respond to threats “while maintaining essential election operations.”

House and Senate mail is processed in two separate Maryland facilities where materials are screened, irradiated and tested for a variety of substances before they are sent to the Capitol complex — a process that can add as much as two weeks to delivery.

The process has proved effective in the past, catching a string of suspected explosive devices sent to prominent Democrats in 2018 and a ricin-laced envelope sent to Sen. Roger Wicker (R-Miss.) in 2013.

Members’ district and state offices have the option to send mail for screening before it is delivered or to contract with a similar mail security system.

Jordain Carney contributed to this report. 

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