Congress
House Republicans are playing the Trump card in committee chair races
Republican lawmakers jockeying to lead House committees in the next Congress are touting their loyalty to President-elect Donald Trump as much as their ability to advance policy priorities as they make appeals to colleagues over the next two weeks.
With scores of members competing for a few key positions, contenders believe that success could hinge on their ability to show just how well-positioned they are to drive Trump’s legislative agenda across a range of policy areas including finance, energy and education.
“It’s going to be supremely important,” Rep. Ann Wagner (R-Mo.), a top contender to replace outgoing House Foreign Affairs Chair Michael McCaul (R-Texas), said in an interview after Trump addressed House Republicans last week. “What he spoke to us about is how his relationship with the House is better and stronger than the one he has with the Senate, and so he’s going to lean on us to get his agenda through.”
That agenda will include efforts to expand school choice, produce more fossil fuels and advance business-friendly cryptocurrency regulation — as well as sweeping rollbacks of Biden administration policies.
The extent to which allegiance to Trump carries the day will be a key first test of his hold on Congress, particularly since most of the races will be decided by secret ballot. Contenders will make their cases to a select group of colleagues, known as the steering committee, at the beginning of next month. Those members will then vote anonymously to determine the winner.
“It’s really about, ‘How are they going to get something done?’” Rep. Byron Donalds (R-Fla.), who serves on the steering committee, said in an interview. “That’s going to be the most important thing.”
The top Republicans on the House Rules, Energy and Commerce, and Financial Services committees are all retiring when the current Congress ends in December. Other panels, including House Foreign Affairs, Education and the Workforce, and Transportation, will need new leaders because of term limits.
Financial Services
Reps. Andy Barr of Kentucky, French Hill of Arkansas, Bill Huizenga of Michigan and Frank Lucas of Oklahoma are vying to become the top Republican on the committee that oversees Wall Street, the Federal Reserve and cryptocurrency.
Front-runners Barr and Hill have leaned hard into proving their Trump bona fides. Barr has focused his pitch on melding the party’s populist wing with its free-market core — and has spent the days since the election in close communication with key Trump allies like Howard Lutnick and Scott Bessent. Over the next few weeks, he’ll give out red baseball hats carrying Trump’s promise to “Make Financial Services Great Again.”
“I’m working really hard to make sure that my vision is hand-in-glove with the incoming policy agenda of the Trump administration,” Barr, a close ally of Trump loyalist House Majority Leader Steve Scalise, said in an interview.
Hill, meanwhile, has cited his ability to coordinate with Trump on crypto — the president-elect gave him a shout out at a digital assets conference over the summer — and rolled out an agenda last week that he branded “Make Community Banking Great Again.” Hill’s plan, like Barr’s, includes proposals that parallel Trump’s agenda, including a pledge to “reverse the weaponization of the government” by blocking regulators from encouraging banks to cut ties with certain customers.
Barr’s ties to Trump run deeper than Hill’s. He watched the Super Bowl with the president-elect at Trump International Golf Club earlier this year and helped throw fundraisers for Trump and running mate JD Vance in Kentucky during the campaign. Before Hill endorsed Trump’s presidential bid, he was one of the few House Republicans to publicly push back against him for encouraging lawmakers to kill a key intelligence bill.
Whether any of that matters to steering committee members remains to be seen.
“Steering committee — a combination of leadership and people elected by district — tends to be the more experienced members, and it tends to be a different set of values,” Lucas said in an interview. “President Trump’s opinion matters to everyone in the Republican conference, but it’s still within the immediate panel” to decide who gets a gavel.
— Eleanor Mueller and Jasper Goodman
Foreign Affairs
Wagner can boast a connection to the Trump family after working with Ivanka Trump — as well as secretary of State nominee Sen. Marco Rubio — on paid leave legislation. (She shouted “Yes!” as Trump mentioned it during his 2019 State of the Union address.) Wagner said in an interview that committee hopefuls “should” lean into their Trump ties when presenting to the steering committee .
“He has brought a number of our House members across the finish line,” Wagner said. “There’s a clear mandate there from the people.”
Wagner also backed Trump’s withdrawal from the Iran nuclear deal and co-chairs the Abraham Accords Caucus, named for the deal brokered under by the Trump administration to normalize Arab-Israeli relations. Her 2016 withdrawal of support for Trump over the Access Hollywood tape is “water under the bridge” that won’t affect her current relationship with him, said a House GOP aide granted anonymity to discuss a sensitive matter.
Another contender, Rep. Darrell Issa of California, is known for his aggressive approach leading the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee. He endorsed Trump in 2016 and supported key decisions, such as the firing of FBI Director James Comey. Although Issa briefly backed a special prosecutor to investigate Trump’s Russia ties, he later walked back that support. He subsequently voted to reject Pennsylvania’s 2020 electoral votes, opposed Trump’s impeachment both times, and voted against the creation of an independent Jan. 6 commission.
Rep. Joe Wilson of South Carolina, a Ukraine Caucus co-chair, backs sustained U.S. support to Ukraine, a stance that diverges from Trump’s. Wilson has at the same time praised Trump, saying the president-elect’s recent meeting with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy demonstrated a “peace through strength” approach.
Another contender, Rep. Brian Mast of Florida, served as the national chairman of Veterans for Trump, leading attacks on Democratic vice presidential nominee Tim Waltz’s claims about his military record and defending Trump against criticism he doesn’t support troops. He’s also backed Trump amid his felony convictions and endorsed his foreign policy approach.
— Joe Gould
Transportation
Rep. Sam Graves of Missouri, the current Transportation chair, is eyeing a challenge from Rep. Rick Crawford of Arkansas. Both are on the same plane when it comes to their relationship with Trump.
Graves is making a long-shot bid for a waiver that would allow him to dodge term limits. He wants to make his case to the steering committee on why he is the better choice than Crawford — the Highways and Transit Subcommittee chair who has been campaigning for the role since March.
Crawford said he has had a good relationship with Trump for “quite a while” and noted that he and the president-elect share priorities such as investing in infrastructure through the surface transportation reauthorization bill.
“I don’t see any reason why they wouldn’t align perfectly, and we move forward with it,” Crawford said.
Graves has said that if he gets the waiver, he would work seamlessly with Trump as chair on a bill that focuses on hard infrastructure.
“We [have] got a long ways to go, but Trump’s a builder, so he gets it. And we need to do traditional infrastructure — that’s pouring concrete, laying asphalt, building roads, building bridges, and he’s going to get that,” Graves said. “So I’m sure it’s going to be heavily geared towards that.”
If Graves doesn’t get the waiver, expect Rep. David Rouzer of North Carolina — who has said he would be interested in running if Graves is out — to jump in the race. Rouzer, the subcommittee chair on water resources and environment, didn’t comment on any efforts to implement Trump-aligned policies.
— Chris Marquette
Agriculture
House Agriculture Chair G.T. Thompson of Pennsylvania grew closer to Trump in the final months of the 2024 campaign, strengthening ties that are also cementing his chances to maintain his gavel next year.
Thompson helped Trump campaign in his home state, which was seen as a critical battleground. Their relationship is a highly symbiotic one that enables Trump to reinforce his strong ties to rural America and the agriculture sector, while letting Thompson burnish his MAGA ties with GOP voters.
In September, Thompson joined Trump for a campaign roundtable for farmers in Smithton, Pennsylvania, hosted by the Protecting America Initiative, led by Richard Grenell, who was acting director of national intelligence during the president-elect’s first term, and former New York Rep. Lee Zeldin, who has been nominated to lead the Environmental Protection Agency.

“We’ve always won with the farmers,” Trump said, seated next to Thompson.
Republican lawmakers don’t expect anyone to challenge Thompson for the Agriculture Committee gavel. He went through treatment for prostate cancer this Congress but has recovered. Should Trump tap Thompson to serve in his administration, Rep. Austin Scott of Georgia would likely be next in line to fill the role.
— Meredith Lee Hill
Judiciary
One of Trump’s biggest supporters has a lock on being the chair of the Judiciary Committee: Rep. Jim Jordan of Ohio.
Jordan has been one of Trump’s biggest Hill supporters for years, and the two have a close relationship, including the president-elect’s backing for the lawmaker’s failed speaker bid last year.
Jordan keeping the gavel will give Trump a staunch ally directing some of the biggest investigations of the House GOP majority, including a potential investigation into special counsel Jack Smith, who has led the federal investigations into Trump.
— Jordain Carney
Energy and Commerce
Reps. Brett Guthrie of Kentucky and Bob Latta of Ohio are competing to chair the powerful Energy and Commerce Committee, which has significant sway over health care and energy policy.
“I think he’ll let things play out,” Latta said when asked if Trump might put his finger on the scale in the race.
Both candidates are seen as being friendly with the president-elect. Though they have not messaged explicitly on their relationship, their pitches parallel some of his proposals.
Latta and Guthrie have both embraced permitting reform; are open to all energy sources, including renewables; and want to boost domestic energy production, in line with Trump’s push to make the county “energy independent.” While Trump hasn’t been particularly engaged in health care, the two men have signaled openness to reforms at public health agencies like the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and National Institutes of Health. Both have opposed what they see as electric vehicle “mandates” from the Biden administration, a major Trump talking point.
— Ben Leonard, with an assist from David Lim
Education and Workforce
Rep. Tim Walberg of Michigan and Rep. Burgess Owens of Utah are in a race to lead the House Education and the Workforce Committee that has their loyalty to Trump on full display.
Walberg, dean of the Michigan delegation, frequently touts his relationship with the president-elect. He has a picture with Trump on Air Force One in his office.

Owens, who currently leads the panel’s subcommittee on higher education, says he and Trump agree that education is a top priority. Displayed outside of his office is a photo of Trump with his fist raised in the air after being shot at earlier this year.
Trump is likely to get key parts of his education and workforce agendas through either lawmaker. His repeated backing of school choice initiatives on the campaign trail could get momentum under Walberg or Owens, both of whom want to move legislation on the issue. Owens is also a vocal critic of diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives, and Walberg wants to simplify labor regulations.
— Mackenzie Wilkes
Rules
The steering committee won’t get a say in one of the races that could have the biggest impact on the president-elect’s agenda.
The House Rules Committee tees up most GOP policy bills for the floor, making it a last-stop for Trump and his allies to try to influence legislation.
But unlike most committees, whoever chairs the panel will ultimately be up to the speaker — and it’s usually a reliable leadership ally.
The current chair, Michael Burgess of Texas, is retiring. Some have floated Rep. Guy Reschenthaler of Pennsylvania for the position, but he’s also chief deputy whip.
There’s also been a swirl of chatter around Rep. Virginia Foxx, who is losing her education and workforce gavel to term limits. The North Carolinian declined to say Wednesday whether she would accept the top job on Rules if offered.
“I’m not running for anything,” she said with a laugh.
Like Burgess, Foxx is a fierce defender of the president-elect. After delivering remarks at Trump rallies leading up to the election, her name is now among those being floated for Education secretary.
— Jordain Carney and Eleanor Mueller
Congress
Republicans balk at going it alone on Iran war funding
Congressional Republicans are confronting serious doubts they can pass Iran war funding on their own, especially as the potential price tag balloons into the hundreds of billions of dollars.
The alternative — relying on a handful of Democrats to push it through the Senate — doesn’t look any more likely as Middle East hostilities expand, energy prices rise and more Democratic lawmakers dig in against an unpopular war.
In recent weeks, some in the GOP floated using the party-line budget reconciliation process to give the Pentagon a slug of new money without needing to gather 60 votes in the Senate. But the revelation that a war funding request could reach $200 billion has quickly cooled those hopes, given the political complications of finding offsets for the spending and the procedural gyrations it would require.
“It’s such a contortion to make things fit in reconciliation that there’s probably a preference for regular order,” Senate Armed Services Chair Roger Wicker (R-Miss.) said in an interview.
The fresh doubts come on top of long-running warnings from at-risk Republican lawmakers that pursuing another party-line bill could force them into a politically painful position in the months ahead of the midterms. Spending tens or hundreds of billions of dollars on the war could lead Republicans to further slash safety-net programs as they did in last year’s “big, beautiful bill” — creating a messaging bonanza for Democrats.
“It’s not going to happen,” one House Republican, granted anonymity to speak candidly, said of a second reconciliation bill. “Certain people have to talk about it as a possibility and keep the issue alive.”
But many House Republicans argue that a party-line bill is the only viable option to deliver the war funding President Donald Trump wants.
As they quietly consider whether to send more U.S. troops to the Middle East, Trump and Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth each declined Thursday to dispute reports that the Pentagon is seeking a $200 billion request after it was first reported by the Washington Post.
“It’s a small price to pay to make sure that we stay tippy-top,” the president said in the Oval Office, adding that the military needs “vast amounts of ammunition” to fulfill its mission in Iran and elsewhere around the globe.
House GOP leaders and committee chairs discussed the possibility of adding military funding to a potential party-line bill during a closed-door meeting at their policy retreat in Florida last week.
“Can we accomplish his priorities in regular order in appropriations? I think it would be unlikely, because I don’t think Democrats are interested in supporting military spending right now,” House Budget Chair Jodey Arrington (R-Texas), a longtime reconciliation cheerleader, said in an interview this week.
At the moment, “unlikely” is underselling the depth of Democrats’ aversion to funding the war. Even those senators who aren’t summarily ruling out support for an emergency funding bill say they would not possibly entertain it under the current circumstances.
“I’ve got to see the details,” said Maine Sen. Angus King, an independent who caucuses with Democrats. “To be honest, it’s going to be hard for me to support it because I think this war was a mistake, wasn’t justified, hasn’t been supported by the Congress.”
The sky-high $200 billion figure — which exceeds the Pentagon funding in last year’s GOP reconciliation bill and is higher than any supplemental funding bill enacted in the post-9/11 era — has some Republican hard-liners eager to pursue another budget reconciliation bill. Many argue it would pave the way for big cuts to domestic spending they oppose, including potentially Medicaid and other social programs.
“It would be very difficult to pass a very large supplemental without it being paid for,” said Rep. Andy Harris (R-Md.), chair of the House Freedom Caucus. “There are hundreds of billions of dollars we can still save in fraud, waste and abuse in reconciliation.”
Senate GOP appropriators are hoping to build bipartisan buy-in for Pentagon funding and see disaster aid and farm assistance as potential sweeteners for Democrats. Others are now floating attaching Ukraine aid, something with broad Democratic support and uneven GOP buy-in.
Still others, including Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.), simply want to dare Democrats to vote against funding the military. “I’d hate to be the senator who denied the request … because you’ve got troops in harm’s way,” he said.
So far, most Democrats do not appear to be cowed by the threats or interested in horse-trading.
“Look, pinning us against our own interests isn’t something I’ll support,” said Rep. Mike Quigley (D-Ill.), a strong advocate for Ukraine aid.
House GOP leaders declined to tip their hand Thursday as they awaited a formal request from the White House, as well as Trump’s fiscal 2027 budget plan. House Majority Leader Steve Scalise said war funding would be a matter of “negotiation” at some point, “but it hasn’t started yet.”
House Appropriations Chair Tom Cole (R-Okla.) cautioned that the discussions are “all speculative” for the time being while acknowledging reconciliation “might be the only way” to get Pentagon money through the Senate.
Across the Capitol, top Senate Republicans aren’t yet seriously considering trying to pass war funding on party lines — underscoring the longstanding split between House and Senate GOP leaders over how far they should go to pursue an election-year reconciliation bill.
The reticence among some Senate Republicans, according to three people granted anonymity to disclose private thinking, is that there isn’t yet a clear proposal that could get 50 GOP votes. Conservatives, they say, are floating an array of proposals that don’t have broader buy-in and could run afoul of the Senate’s strict reconciliation guidelines. And they expect a second bill would reopen the party’s old wounds over offsetting spending cuts.
“I’ll try and insist that we pay for it,” said Sen. Ron Johnson (R-Wis.), one of the party’s loudest deficit hawks.
But without a party-line package, Senate Republicans will have to convince enough Democrats to reach the 60-vote threshold, and they appear to be nowhere close.
“This administration needs to tell Congress definitely what they’re doing and how long this is going to take,” said Sen. Patty Murray of Washington, the top Appropriations Democrat. “We’re not going to write them a blank check.”
Katherine Tully-McManus and Jennifer Scholtes contributed to this report.
Congress
Congress moves to scrutinize AI use in federal court
A group of lawmakers are set to introduce legislation Thursday to examine the use of artificial intelligence in federal courts, according to bill text obtained by Blue Light News.
Sens. Roger Wicker (R-Miss.) and Peter Welch (D-Vt.), along with Rep. Harriet Hageman (R-Wyo.), are preparing to unveil the bipartisan, bicameral Research and Oversight of Artificial Intelligence in Courts Act of 2026. The bill would establish a 15-member task force to study the use of AI-powered speech-to-text and speech recognition tools, with a focus on privacy, civil liberties and accuracy.
The panel would include federal judges, prosecutors, court clerks and other judicial experts and would be required to report its findings to Congress and the attorney general within 18 months.
Clear federal guidelines for AI use in U.S. courts have yet to be established, as broader concerns about the technology grow on Capitol Hill. Last year, Reuters reported that two federal judges withdrew rulings in separate cases after lawyers flagged factual inaccuracies and other serious errors. In one New Jersey case, a draft decision that included AI-generated research was mistakenly posted to the public docket before undergoing review, according to the report. In response to questions from Senate Judiciary Chair Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa), the judges attributed the snafus to court staffers using generative AI tools for drafting and research.
“As the Senate’s only former public defender, I know it firsthand: Court reporters and captioners are irreplaceable,” Welch said in a statement. “When it comes to the use of AI in the courtroom, there are still substantial privacy and civil liberty concerns that need to be addressed.” Wicker said, “Ensuring accuracy is critical to fair justice.”
Technology-related privacy and civil rights concerns are currently top of mind for lawmakers in Congress, as Speaker Mike Johnson seeks to put an 18-month extension of Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act on the House floor next week.
Congress
Senate recess at risk if DHS shutdown continues, Thune says
Senate Majority Leader John Thune suggested Thursday the Senate will not go on recess as planned at the end of next week if the Department of Homeland Security isn’t funded by then.
“We need to get this resolved and it needs to get resolved, you know, by the end of next week,” Thune said. “I can’t see us taking a break if the [department’s] still shut down.”
Thune’s comments to reporters come as a bipartisan group of senators, including members of the Appropriations Committee and a clutch of Democrats that helped negotiate the end to the last shutdown, meet privately in the Capitol with Tom Homan, Trump’s border czar.
The meeting — coming as TSA staffing issues create long lines at some airports — is the first sign in weeks of potential momentum in the DHS funding.
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