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House Armed Services chair in the mix for Trump’s Pentagon chief

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House Armed Services Chair Mike Rogers is under consideration to be President-elect Donald Trump’s Defense secretary, according to three people familiar with the deliberations.

Rogers, a conservative Alabama Republican and among the most strident of defense hawks in the House, would be a dark horse in a field of potential Trump Pentagon picks.

Rogers is a relatively low-key lawmaker despite his seniority. And though he’s not as personally close to the former president as other contenders for the Pentagon or other top national security jobs, Rogers is nonetheless a strong political ally and Trump defender. And they align on a number of national security issues.

Trump’s transition team did not immediately respond to a request for comment. A spokesperson for Rogers declined to comment.

Rogers joins a shortlist of potential nominees:

  • Rep. Mike Waltz , a former Green Beret long close to Trump who serves on the House Armed Services, Foreign Affairs and Intelligence committees. 
  • Mike Pompeo, Trump’s former Secretary of State and CIA director, has also been mentioned as a contender. 
  • Sen. Tom Cotton (R-Ark.), an Army veteran and vocal defense hawk, was also thought to be in the mix for the top Pentagon job, but recently took his name out of consideration for an administration post.

Rogers has chaired Armed Services since Republicans took over the House in 2023. There, he’s pushed for significant increases in defense spending to take on China and Russia, ramp up defense production and modernize the U.S. nuclear arsenal. He’s also pushed for legislation to significantly raise junior enlisted troops’ pay and benefits.
Rogers, though, has also been a strong advocate of U.S. assistance for Ukraine as GOP opposition to new funding for the fight grew in the House. As Armed Services chair, Rogers held oversight hearings on Ukraine aid to bolster support and demonstrate that U.S. assistance is being properly employed. Just days before the election, Rogers led a bipartisan congressional delegation to Kyiv.

Trump, on the other hand, has opposed new funding for Ukraine, instead promising to negotiate an end to the war with Russia. But despite his advocacy for aid, Rogers argued shortly after taking the Armed Services gavel in 2023 that Ukraine and Russia need to be persuaded to go to the bargaining table to end the war.

His advocacy for larger defense budgets and Ukraine-related spending have run afoul of hard-right GOP factions in the House loyal to Trump. But Rogers has also championed many conservative-favored issues — most notably rolling back Biden-era personnel policies on troops’ access to abortion, diversity in the ranks and Pentagon climate programs.

Trump and Rogers align most closely on a policy issue near and dear to both of them: space. Rogers advocated for a new military service dedicated to space and defending U.S. satellites, which became the Space Force. Trump, who pushed lawmakers hard to establish the Space Force, has called creating the first new military branch since the 1940s one of his top achievements. Rogers and former Rep. Jim Cooper ushered the reorganization through Congress.

Despite his strong conservative views, Rogers has forged working relationships with Democrats in the House and Senate, working on annual defense legislation that could help him get through a possible confirmation process.

But Republicans’ success — or lack thereof — at the polls could get in the way.

GOP leaders say they’re on track to keep their majority in the House, but they’re likely to have a margin of just a handful of seats. That means Trump won’t be able to tap many Republican lawmakers for his administration, at least not initially, without risking his legislative agenda.

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Congress

Thune says abortion language a sticking point in health care talks

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Senate Majority Leader John Thune said Tuesday that while bipartisan discussions are ongoing around the fate of soon-to-expire Affordable Care Act subsidies, abortion restrictions are a major sticking point.

“There are conversations that continue, but as you know the Hyde issue is a difficult and challenging one on both sides,” Thune told reporters.

The fight over the so-called Hyde Amendment, which bars federal funding for abortion, has been looming over any potential deal to extend the enhanced Obamacare tax credits. And GOP lawmakers, not to mention a cadre of influential anti-abortion groups, quickly noticed the White House’s framework was silent on the issue.

The White House ultimately held off on releasing that framework as it faced a mountain of GOP criticism from conservatives who felt caught off guard that Trump would back a two-year extension of the subsidies — even when paired with new income caps and other restrictions.

The Senate is expected to vote next week on a proposal from Democrats to extend the ACA subsidies, but Democrats haven’t yet detailed what bill they will put on the chamber floor.

Republicans are separately working on a potential counterproposal that would come from Sens. Mike Crapo and Bill Cassidy, chairs of the Senate Finance and HELP Committees, respectively. GOP senators also have yet to decide whether they’ll roll out that plan in time for a vote next week, though, and the substance remains in flux.

Sens. Jeanne Shaheen (D-N.H.) and Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska) said Monday night that while efforts to reach a bipartisan agreement persist, many lawmakers believe they are ultimately headed toward a failed vote next week. Some senators are already looking at Jan. 30, the next government funding deadline, as the real cut-off for a health care deal.

“I don’t think we’re close to a 60-vote threshold yet,” Thune said of bipartisan health care talks.

There’s also uncertainty on the other side of the Capitol about how Republicans will respond to the looming expiration of the subsidies, which could cause premiums to skyrocket in the new year. Speaker Mike Johnson told reporters at his weekly press conference that he “didn’t commit to” a short-term extension during a closed-door House GOP members’ meeting Tuesday morning but that “there will be a Republican response to this.”

“What I’ve got to do is build consensus deliberately around the best ideas,” Johnson said. “We’re pulling those ideas together … I can’t project in advance what that will be because I don’t know what the consensus is in that room.”

Meredith Lee Hill contributed to this report.

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Stefanik accuses Johnson of lying, ‘blocking’ her defense bill provision

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Rep. Elise Stefanik is taking aim directly at Speaker Mike Johnson over signals a provision she has championed won’t be included in the annual defense policy bill the House wants to pass next week — marking a notable and unusual split inside the House GOP leadership team.

Stefanik, a New York Republican who serves as a member of Johnson’s leadership team, said in a social media post Tuesday morning she would help tank the National Defense Authorization Act if it doesn’t incorporate her provision that would require the FBI to notify Congress when it opens investigations into candidates running for federal office.

“This is an easy one,” the New York Republican posted on social media Tuesday morning. “This bill is DOA unless this provision gets added in as it was passed out of committee.”

Stefanik also blamed Johnson for the expected omission.

“[T]he Speaker is blocking my provision to root out the illegal weaponization that led to Crossfire Hurricane, Arctic Frost, and more,” she wrote on X. “He is siding with Jamie Raskin against Trump Republicans to block this provision to protect the deep state.”

Stefanik’s proposal, which would require the public disclosure of all “FBI counterintelligence investigations into presidential and federal candidates seeking office,” is designed to combat what many Republicans consider politically motivated investigations related to Russian interference in the 2016 election and former special counsel Jack Smith’s probe into President Donald Trump’s efforts to subvert the election in 2020.

Asked about whether he thwarted the provision’s inclusion in the NDAA, Johnson said Stefanik’s retelling of events is “false.” He said he supported the provision and that there could still be a path for its passage in some other legislative vehicle.

“I don’t exactly know why Elise just won’t call me,” he said, recalling that he told his colleague over text, “What are you talking about? This hasn’t even made it to my level.”

Johnson explained the bipartisan leaders of the House and Senate Judiciary Committees, who he suspected have jurisdiction over this issue, had not agreed to include the language, leading to the provision being dropped from the defense bill. A spokesperson for Rep. Jamie Raskin of Maryland, the top Democrat on the House Judiciary panel, deferred to Johnson’s explanation.

Stefanik quickly responded in another post on X, “Just more lies from the Speaker,” while insisting the Intelligence Committee, on which Stefanik sits, has jurisdiction over her provision.

Leaders of the House and Senate Armed Services Committees have been negotiating the NDAA for weeks and could roll out a compromise package as soon as Thursday; Stefanik said in her social media post that she got early details of that package in an Intelligence Committee briefing.

The narrow GOP majority in the House means that Johnson can barely afford to lose any Republican support if Democrats reject the legislation en masse, but it’s far from guaranteed Stefanik’s opposition will doom the NDAA on its own.

While most Democrats opposed the hard-right version of the Pentagon bill the House passed in September, more Democrats might come on board to support a compromise measure and make up for a shortfall of votes on the Republican side of the aisle. The NDAA is typically a broadly bipartisan package.

Connor O’Brien contributed to this report.

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House Republicans sweat Tennessee election, despite Hudson’s assurances

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House GOP leaders are trying to steady their restive conference as they seek to avert disaster in a Tennessee special election for a ruby-red GOP-controlled seat on Tuesday night.

NRCC Chair Richard Hudson told House Republicans in their closed-door meeting Tuesday morning that Republican Matt Van Epps will win the race. But he also said members need to remember special elections are special, according to four people in the room, all of whom were granted anonymity to discuss the private meeting.

National Republicans have had to intervene to attempt to rescue Van Epps from a potential defeat in Tennessee’s 7th Congressional District, a conservative stronghold President Donald Trump won by more than 20 points.

The race between Van Epps and Democrat Aftyn Behn has attracted millions in outside spending from both sides, despite the typically uncompetitive nature of the district.

Republicans in the room for Hudson’s remarks Tuesday morning, however, did not feel much better about the state of the conference and the special election ahead of next year’s midterms.

“It was not overly comforting,” one House Republican who attended the meeting said, noting that some GOP members quietly glanced over at each other as the North Carolina congressman argued a win is a win.

Another House Republican predicted the GOP conference would spend some time reeling from the fallout of the race, given that it shouldn’t have been competitive in the first place.

“If our victory margin is single digits, the conference may come unhinged,” one senior House Republican said. A loss would be catastrophic and the conference would “explode,” the Republican added.

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