Congress
House approves Epstein files bill in near-unanimous vote
The House voted overwhelmingly Tuesday to force the Justice Department to release more information about the case it built against the late convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein — putting legislation on a track toward the desk of President Donald Trump, who spent months trying to kill it.
The 427-1 vote came after a long campaign to circumvent House Republican leaders and White House officials who fought tooth and nail to convince members of their party to oppose the measure. As Democrats sought to stoke division in the GOP over the administration’s decision to withhold further information in the Epstein case, the issue proved increasingly toxic for Republicans — and Tuesday’s vote became inevitable.
“We have a chance today to make something happen, something that has not happened and should have happened decades ago, and that is to get justice for these victims and survivors and transparency for America,” said Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.), who led the effort to force the vote, later adding that he was “embarrassed for my own party today.”
Only Rep. Clay Higgins (R-La.), a fervent Trump loyalist, voted against it.
The bill still requires approval from the Senate and Trump’s signature to become law, and it’s not immediately clear if and when Senate Majority Leader John Thune intends to put the measure on the floor. Trump indicated this week he would sign the bill if it reaches his desk.
While Speaker Mike Johnson called on the Senate to add more privacy protections for victims and whistleblowers, that would require the bill to come back to the House for final approval, and there is a broad desire in the GOP to pass the bill and move on to other legislative business.
The political quagmire began for Republicans in July, when the Department of Justice released a memo saying it would not disclose further information in the Epstein case. Quickly, Democrats accused Trump and his allies of reneging on a commitment to transparency.
The pressure culminated at an otherwise routine House Oversight subcommittee hearing in July, just ahead of the chamber’s summer recess. Democratic lawmakers, joined by a few Republicans, voted to subpoena information from the Justice Department in the Epstein case — launching a wide-ranging Oversight probe into Epstein and the Justice Department’s handling of the case.
House GOP leaders have repeatedly pointed to that probe to argue that the effort led by Massie and Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Pa.) to discharge the measure from committee and force an up-or-down vote on the legislation was unnecessary. Their bill would compel only the Justice Department to release information in its possession within 30 days of its enactment.
The Oversight panel has already subpoenaed Epstein’s estate, which produced a “birthday book” and a number of emails that contained materials damaging to Trump.
Trump’s relationship with the convicted sex offender has seen intense scrutiny, with Democrats accusing him of supporting a coverup. The president has maintained the two had a falling out years ago, and no evidence has linked Trump to wrongdoing in the Epstein case.
But recent revelations in emails sent by Epstein suggested Trump “knew about the girls,” and the news has only increased pressure on his administration to release further information in the case.
The Justice Department has so far released relatively few nonpublic materials to lawmakers as part of the Oversight probe, which was partially held up by the recent 43-day government shutdown. But many GOP lawmakers doubt the bill will trigger the release of much new information from DOJ, including Oversight Chair James Comer (R-Ky.).
“I think the Department of Justice has turned over what they’re legally allowed to turn over,” Comer said.
Now that the Massie-Khanna discharge effort has succeeded and the bill has passed the House, Senate Democrats are preparing to force Thune and his GOP members to vote quickly on the bill. Minority Leader Chuck Schumer said he would “move for the Senate to immediately take it up and pass it, period” — suggesting he will ask unanimous approval from senators to send the bill to Trump.
“Americans are tired of waiting and are demanding to see the truth,” he said. “If Leader Thune tries to bury the bill, I’ll stop him.”
Thune isn’t expected to announce what the Senate will do until later Tuesday, but there’s growing support among Senate Republicans to pass the resolution — potentially by unanimous consent this week. Democrats are expected to object to any language that waters down the legislation, or gives more discretion to Trump or DOJ on what gets released.
Prior to Trump’s endorsement of the effort, the White House carried out a monthslong pressure campaign to try to prevent the forced vote in the House from happening.
Trump and White House officials specifically pushed the three Republican women who signed onto the discharge petition — Reps. Marjorie Taylor Greene (Ga.), Lauren Boebert (Colo.) and Nancy Mace (S.C.) — to take their names off the effort, especially once it was clear that the swearing-in of Democratic Rep. Adelita Grijalva would prompt a vote. Boebert was even called into the White House Situation Room to try to get her to remove her name.Mace said in an interview that the floor action, after months of drama, is “also a symbolic vote for other survivors who’ve never gotten justice.”“It’s a symbolism of justice for all of us. So, I’m emotional about it right now,” she said.
Trump’s pressure campaign also included a public split with Greene, once one of his most vocal supporters in the House. Greene, who has also split with Trump recently over health care and economic matters, said her fissure with Trump “has all come down to the Epstein files.”
“This has been one of the most destructive things to MAGA — is watching the man that we supported early on, three elections,” oppose the bill, Greene told reporters Tuesday. “Watching this actually turn into a fight has ripped MAGA apart.”
Jordain Carney and Mia McCarthy contributed to this report.
The House has been back in town for a few hours, but GOP leaders may already be forced to send members home early.
A handful of House Republicans are threatening to shut down floor business Tuesday over frustrations about legislation that would fund the government past the midterms.
If GOP leaders can’t adopt a rule to open up floor debate, there’s little incentive to stay in town, especially so close to elections when members are eager to get back to their districts to campaign.
Speaker Mike Johnson can only lose a handful of members with full attendance. A small group of hard-liners oppose a provision in the Senate-passed continuing resolution punting a hemp product ban deadline. Others are angry about Johnson’s decision to put the stopgap bill on a fast-tracked method requiring two-thirds majority to pass — as Democrats are likely to support it.
To be clear: that suspension vote track also means the stopgap is poised to pass regardless of any subsequent GOP revolt that would gum up further floor business.
House Freedom Caucus Chair Andy Harris said he plans to vote against the rule Tuesday over the hemp language.
And Rep. Chip Roy sent a letter to Appropriations Chair Tom Cole and Budget Chair Jodey Arrington Monday night urging opposition to the CR. Roy, who voted against advancing the procedural step in a Rules panel meeting yesterday, said the spending bill does not prevent taxpayer funds from going to abortion services.
“The CR now before Congress does not renew that protection, allowing federal taxpayer dollars to once again flow to Planned Parenthood,” Roy wrote in the letter, shared exclusively with Blue Light News, adding members “should be prepared to account for those votes accordingly.”
Other hardliners wouldn’t say how they plan to vote on Monday night. Rep. Keith Self told Blue Light News, “We’ll see if the rule comes up.”
But if the House does cut their September work period short — with the possibility of not returning until mid-November — that leaves little time this year for any other legislation, including the Senate-passed Russian sanctions bill, which is headed nowhere fast in the House.
GOP leaders omitted it from a list of bills to be voted on this week as the thin House Republican majority is split over intervening in Russia’s war with Ukraine. Meanwhile, many Democrats are wary of handing Trump any new tariff powers.
Asked whether the bill might pass through her committee on the way to the House floor, Rules Chair Virginia Foxx said, “I have no idea. Nobody’s talking about it.”
What else we’re watching:
— REPUBLICANS POISED TO CENSURE EDWARDS: The House will vote Tuesday on censuring Rep. Chuck Edwards — and GOP leaders aren’t coming to his rescue. A critical mass of GOP members seem to be lining up behind the effort after an Ethics Committee report outlined a pattern of sexual harassment by Edwards toward two of his young female staffers. Edwards told Mia the probe was “an abysmal handled process.” House GOP leaders don’t appear to be swaying Republicans to vote against the measure.
— GOP TRIES TO THREAD NEEDLE ON DATA CENTER SUPPORT: Republicans found themselves walking a fine line on data centers Monday — and Democrats are eager to capitalize on the issue igniting voters across the country. House Republicans returning from August recess acknowledged growing concerns from constituents about data centers. But they also tried to support President Donald Trump, who Monday declared communities that reject centers will end up “backwards and poor” while China makes advances in the technology. Meanwhile, House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries blasted Republicans for being “pro-data center without any restraints,” making his strongest rebuke yet of the tech industry’s massive infrastructure buildout.
Riley Rogerson, Chris Marquette and Kelsey Brugger contributed to this report.
Democrat Brian Poindexter’s first general-election ad in his campaign to unseat Rep. Max Miller doesn’t directly mention the Republican’s well-publicized family drama — but it makes the subtext impossible to ignore.
The minute-long ad titled “Daughters” features Poindexter’s three children — Ashley, Makayla and Taylor — telling stories about their dad as they sit in front of family photos. His campaign is launching a six-figure buy on digital, cable and broadcast television this week.
“He always shows up: for family dinner, for our games, to help with homework — even when he’s not helpful,“ the daughters say. “He shows up for everyone, coworkers, neighbors and our whole community. For anyone who’s getting hurt or needs a hand.”
Poindexter has leaned on his working-class background and a focus on affordability issues in his campaign against Miller, without explicitly making an issue of Miller’s legal battle with his ex-wife. In the “Daughters” ad, Poindexter again attempts to thread the needle, amplifying his family values and commitment to community without attacking Miller directly.
Miller is facing allegations of abuse from his ex-wife, Emily Moreno, the daughter of Ohio Sen. Bernie Moreno. Miller has denied any wrongdoing, including accusations that he poured hot water on Emily Moreno, held a gun to her head and broke his daughter’s collarbone.
The allegations have put national spotlight on the competitive Cleveland-area district, and Democrats are investing to flip the seat.
The ad ends with Poindexter saying in a voiceover, “I’m not going to D.C. for me. I’m going for my daughters — and yours.”
Less than a month ago, a huge bipartisan Senate majority voted to honor the late Sen. Lindsey Graham and pass legislation he pushed aimed at sanctioning Russia’s trading partners.
Now the bill is at serious risk of languishing in the House, where it is suffering from significant Democratic opposition, lack of Republican enthusiasm and fading impetus to honor the late South Carolina senator.
GOP leaders omitted it from a list of bills to be voted on this week, and as top Republican lawmakers filed into the Capitol Monday after a five-week summer recess, none said passing the Lindsey O. Graham Sanctioning Russia Act was anywhere near top of mind.
“We just came from a chairmen’s meeting, and nobody brought it up,” House Rules Chair Virginia Foxx (R-N.C.) said in an interview.
Asked whether the bill might pass through her committee on the way to the House floor, she said, “I have no idea. Nobody’s talking about it.”
Speaker Mike Johnson acknowledged an uphill battle Monday and was noncommittal on whether the bill would hit the House floor after passing the Senate on an 86-11 vote.
“We’ll see,” Johnson said, blaming Democratic opposition for the uncertainty. “We’ve been very consistent on taking a strong hand against Russia. So we’ll see what happens.”
The measure’s backers in the House and Senate argue it would give the White House new leverage as it leans on Russia to end the war in Ukraine — including by handing President Donald Trump new tariff tools.
But with the GOP majority split over intervening in Russia’s war with Ukraine and many Democrats wary of giving Trump any new tariff powers, the bill doesn’t appear to be a top priority for Republican leaders as they plan out their final legislative sprint before the election.
Republicans are also openly speculating whether Johnson will keep the House in session for four weeks in September as scheduled — particularly if lawmakers pass a bill as expected Tuesday to punt government funding to December.
Johnson is already facing internal resistance to getting his scheduled bills on the floor this week, with some hard-right members unhappy about how GOP leaders have handled government funding and other issues. If they vote down a procedural measure setting up debate on those bills Tuesday, that could spell the end of the pre-election House session.
“I don’t know if we’re going to pass anything,” said Rep. Keith Self (R-Texas), one of the ultraconservatives threatening to frustrate the leadership’s plans.
At the same time, a handful of hawkish Republicans are warning that the House needs to stay and bring the sanctions bill across the finish line before heading home for campaign season.
“I think it’s very important to pass the sanctions bill,” said Rep. Don Bacon (R-Neb.), a defense hawk who is retiring from the House. “It’s a failure to not do so.”
Even if leaders make a push to get the sanctions bill on the floor, it’s unclear if it has enough Republican support to pass. Several conservatives who have vocally opposed Ukraine aid in the past said they haven’t looked into the legislation yet.
“Haven’t seen it. Haven’t heard about it. All I can say is in 14 years I’ve never voted to sanction a sovereign country,” Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) said in an interview Monday.
While leaders could seek to skirt Republican opposition by using a fast-track procedure requiring a two-thirds-majority vote, it’s unclear if there are enough Democrats to push it over that threshold.
Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries expressed “serious concerns” with the measure at a news conference Monday, saying top Democrats are worried that the bill “risks providing tariff and sanctions authority to Donald Trump and his administration that we believe they will abuse.”
The Democrats who are opposed include the party’s leaders on the Foreign Affairs and Ways and Means committees — Reps. Greg Meeks of New York and Richard Neal of Massachusetts, respectively — who argue that Trump already has all the tariff powers he needs.
“Donald Trump already has ample authority to impose sanctions on the companies, individuals, and vessels propping up a Russian war machine that continues its deadly attacks on Ukraine,” they wrote in a Monday joint statement with Democratic Rep.. Don Beyer of Virginia and Sens. Ron Wyden of Oregon and Sen. Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts. “Congress does not need to greenlight new tariff authority for the President to impose those sanctions on Russia today.”
Rep. Brad Schneider of Illinois, leader of the centrist New Democrat Coalition, also opposes the sanctions bill and said in an interview Monday, “I’m opposed to giving the executive branch more authority that was rightly placed with the legislative branch a very long time ago.”
“We’ll see and evaluate if it comes to the floor,” Rep. Katherine Clark of Massachusetts, the No. 2 House Democrat, said in an interview. “But there’s a great deal of concern about giving this president, who continues to drive up costs with tariffs for working Americans, even more authority to do that.”
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