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Former aide skewers California House Dem in primary launch

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Another House Democrat is getting an age-driven primary challenge.

Jake Rakov, a former staffer to Rep. Brad Sherman (D-Calif.), is launching a bid Wednesday to oust his one-time boss. Rakov, 37, is part of a string of Democrats waging intra-party battles against a long-time House incumbents by calling for a generational change in leadership.

Standing in front of a Los Angeles structure decimated by wildfire, Rakov used a 2.5-minute long launch video to blast Sherman, 70, as out of touch with his constituents and unwilling to mount a meaningful resistance against President Donald Trump’s “MAGA hellscape.”

“He and people like him, who have stayed on for so long, who don’t even check into the district anymore,” Rakov said in an interview with Blue Light News, “are why we have Trump twice, and why our party is so bad at fighting back against him now.”

First elected in 1996, Sherman is serving his 15th term in the House. His last truly competitive election was in 2012 when redistricting pitted him against then-Rep. Howard Berman in a race that turned so acrimonious that the two nearly came to blows during a debate. Sherman ended 2024 with $3.9 million in the bank.

Rakov served as Sherman’s deputy communications director in 2017. He is active in the LGBTQ+ community in the district and sat on the steering committee for Los Angeles’ Stonewall Democratic Club.

The district spans the western San Fernando Valley and includes Pacific Palisades, a part of Los Angeles devastated by the wildfires in January. Sherman was a regular presence at press briefings in the area as a series of major fires fueled by high winds and dry brush raced through the county. He also sparred with Trump during the president’s January visit to the disaster area, challenging the assertion that FEMA was doing a poor job.

But Rakov said Sherman’s response to the tragedy was lacking and that he did little besides “maybe tweeting out a 1-800 number.”

“If I were in office and our district had gone through what it’s gone through, I would be here every recess with my staff out at the Westside Pavilion rebuilding center,” Rakov said. “How can the federal government help? Who do you need us to talk to? He hasn’t done any of that.”

Rakov pledged to eschew corporate PAC money — he is married to Abe Rakov, who is the executive director of campaign-finance reform group End Citizens United — to serve no more than five terms in the House and to hold monthly in-person town halls, a practice he says Sherman avoids.

He said his challenge is motivated more by Sherman’s leadership style rather than ideological differences.

“We’re both progressive Democrats, and I’m sure we’ll find daylight on a few things here and there,” he said, “but I think this is much more about being a better member of Congress and actually doing what needs to be done in this moment in time.”

Sherman’s speeches on the House floor and lengthy social media videos don’t win the party new voters or “get any of our message out there,” Rakov said. Younger Democrats can better relate to Gen Z and millennial voters, he argued, and know how to reach them on new mediums.

California’s primary advances the top-two vote-getters regardless of party to a general election, so Rakov and Sherman could face off twice. Such a campaign would require significant resources. But Sherman, a senior member of the House Financial Services committee, has remained skeptical of cryptocurrencies, which he has called a “Ponzi scheme.” Pro-crypto super PACs spent heavily in the 2024 election and could see an opportunity to dethrone an opponent by spending against him.

Besides Rakov, two other younger progressives have launched prominent campaigns against older Democrats. YouTuber Kat Abughazaleh, 26, is challenging Rep. Jan Schakowsky (D-Ill.), and Saikat Chakrabarti, the 39-year-old former aide to Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.), is primarying Nancy Pelosi. Both described their campaigns as an attempt to usher in a new cohort.

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Congress

House Republicans prepare to sidestep Trump’s big 2026 demand

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DORAL, Florida — President Donald Trump told House Republicans Monday he had one overriding legislative priority for 2026. Then they spent Tuesday talking about just about anything else.

Trump’s demand for passage of an updated SAVE America Act — a GOP elections bill that the House has advanced two versions of already — was met with less than complete enthusiasm from leaders gathered for the annual Republican policy retreat.

Speaker Mike Johnson and other senior lawmakers gave the unmistakable impression they now consider that bill to be a Senate problem — even after Trump insisted the House take it up a third time and add on more controversial provisions, such as a near-total ban on mail voting.

Informed that Senate Majority Leader John Thune had said the House should send the Senate another revised bill, Johnson appeared surprised at a fireside chat with reporters.

“Did he say that?” the speaker said. “Careful what you wish for.”

Instead, Johnson and other House Republicans huddled at Trump’s Miami-area golf resort tried to keep focus on the upcoming midterms and other long-percolating pieces of legislation that many privately see as having a much better chance of becoming law than the SAVE America Act.

Johnson did not include that measure, which Trump termed his “No. 1 priority” that would “guarantee the midterms” for Republicans, on a list of must-pass bills he presented to members in a closed-door session Tuesday morning.

Rather, he laid out a series of wonky policy measures — reauthorizations of key federal surveillance powers and water projects, a highway infrastructure package and a slimmed-down farm bill. All are expected to end up passing with some Democratic support and are devoid of red meat for the Republican Party’s MAGA base.

Johnson told members he was working with Thune to advance the SAVE America Act. Though, the measure faces a likely immovable obstacle in the Senate’s 60-vote filibuster rule. Several top leaders refused to commit to passing it through the House a third time with the changes Trump is seeking, which include the mail voting ban many Republicans oppose — even after the president threatened Monday not to sign any other bills until it’s enacted.

White House officials separately told upset Trump loyalists in private conversations at the Florida retreat that the bill would get a vote in the Senate soon, according to three people granted anonymity to describe the discussions. But those officials suggested there would not be any move to sidestep the filibuster as some MAGA firebrands are demanding.

Top GOP leaders are instead keeping hope alive for another party-line bill that would use the procedurally complex budget reconciliation process to sidestep a Democratic filibuster. A consensus on what policy priorities should go into such a bill, however, remains elusive.

Johnson told his members he is seeking to sketch out a “Venn diagram” of issues that every Republican can support. But even as some committee chairs tossed out possible ideas for a 2026 follow-on to last year’s GOP megabill, others openly doubted it would ever happen, given the thin majority and lack of policy agreement.

“The real question is, can they get everybody in line?” House Appropriations Chair Tom Cole (R-Okla.) said in an interview. “Those last 30” votes, he added, will be hard to get.

Budget Chair Jodey Arrington of Texas, perhaps the most bullish House Republican when it comes to reconciliation, sketched out a list of possible spending-cut targets early Tuesday — then said later in the day it would be “premature” to start the formal reconciliation procedural process just yet.

Even Rep. Richard Hudson (R-N.C.), chair of the House GOP campaign arm, questioned whether Republicans could pull off a party-line bill as the clock ticks on the midterms.

“It’s going to take every Republican agreeing, so we’ll see if we can get there,” Hudson said.

Other discussions at the retreat centered on the nonlegislative steps House Republicans could take to retain their tiny majority in November.

Trump’s top White House political aide, James Blair, told members in a private meeting they need to find “human” stories of constituents benefiting from the megabill tax cuts to highlight in campaign ads. He urged them to focus on tax-advantaged “Trump accounts” for kids’ savings and new tax exemptions for tips and seniors’ income — and encouraged them to use their taxpayer-funded mailing privileges to do it.

In the south Florida heart of Hispanic GOP support, members also confronted deep anxieties about their diverse 2024 coalition fraying ahead of November.

Blair addressed concerns aired by Florida Rep. María Elvira Salazar and other Republican lawmakers over whether Hispanic voters and others are being turned off by the president’s rhetoric around his immigration enforcement campaign, according to the people in the room for the discussion.

He encouraged members to curb their hard-line rhetoric about indiscriminate deportations, indicating it could cost them key voting blocs. He urged them to instead emphasize how the White House is actually focused on deporting violent criminals. One of the Republicans in the room said Blair expressed concern that overhyped talk of mass deportations would only serve to disappoint MAGA loyalists in the Republican base.

Some Hispanic GOP lawmakers recently shared their concerns with White House chief of staff Susie Wiles about an erosion of Hispanic support for Republicans. A few met with DHS Secretary Kristi Noem to discuss similar concerns shortly before Trump ousted her from the role last week, one of the people involved in the conversations said.

Johnson acknowledged in the fireside chat with reporters that there has been a “hiccup” with some Hispanic and other voters who view the Trump administration’s immigration enforcement as “overzealous.”

“Everybody can describe it differently, but here’s the good news,” Johnson added. “We’re in a course-correction mode right now.”

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Tillis ‘optimistic’ roadblock to Fed chair confirmation will be resolved

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Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) said Tuesday he was hopeful that issues surrounding the Federal Reserve would be resolved, allowing Kevin Warsh’s nomination as central bank chair to move forward.

Tillis acknowledged that Warsh’s nomination might have to sit at the Senate Banking Committee “for some time,” given the senator’s objections to moving forward with any Fed nominees until a Justice Department probe related to the current chair, Jerome Powell, is concluded.

“But I’m optimistic it’s going to get cleared up,” he told reporters.

Tillis was scheduled to meet with Warsh on Tuesday afternoon, one of a series of meetings that the Fed chair nominee is holding now that his paperwork was officially sent to the Senate on Wednesday. Warsh met with Sen. John Barrasso (R-Wyo.) last week, according to a post on X from the senator, and he is scheduled to meet with Sen. Mike Rounds (R-S.D.) this week.

“I’ve known Kevin since he graduated college,” Sen. Bill Hagerty (R-Tenn.) said, when asked if he had met with Warsh. “He’s one of the people that I’ve always consulted on policy matters.”

The committee has not yet scheduled a nomination hearing.

Jordain Carney contributed to this report.

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Thune eyes action on SAVE America Act next week — without a ‘talking filibuster’

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Senate Majority Leader John Thune is aiming to take action on a GOP-only election bill next week — without pursuing a longshot procedural gambit advocated by some Republican hard-liners.

The decision, confirmed by four people granted anonymity to disclose private strategy, will bring a monthslong, increasingly vitriolic fight among Republicans to a head.

Elon Musk and prominent MAGA influencers have waged an intense social media pressure campaign against Thune and other members of his conference, seeking a way to skirt Democratic opposition to the SAVE America Act by forcing a “talking filibuster.”

Thune told reporters it is his intention to bring up the bill next week and later declined to discuss the process for considering it, saying that talks are ongoing. President Donald Trump reiterated a call to pass it Monday, saying it would “guarantee the midterms” for Republicans.

“Maybe it’s going to be the talking filibuster like the old days,” the president said. “But they have to get it done.”

But the four people said it will come up under the usual 60-vote threshold, meaning it will fail given the united Democratic opposition to the bill. Thune, they said, is expected to set up some amendment votes and a prolonged debate to allow senators to speak at length on the bill.

Subjecting the bill to the typical 60-vote legislative filibuster isn’t a surprising outcome, but it will mark the official rejection of an attempt by Utah Sen. Mike Lee and his allies to get Republicans to embrace the talking filibuster, which would force Democrats to hold the floor in order to block the bill.

Thune, however, said Tuesday there is not enough support within the Senate GOP to go down that road. Besides forcing days of debate on the underlying bill, Democrats could offer unlimited amendments and procedural gambits that could derail the Senate floor for months.

“The votes aren’t there for a talking filibuster,” Thune said Tuesday. “It’s just a reality.”

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