Politics
Eric Adams hopes Supreme Court’s curbing of corruption prosecutions helps gut his own
When the Supreme Court’s Republican-appointed majority curbed the use of federal bribery law against state and local officials this past term, Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson’s dissent called the “absurd and atextual reading of the statute” one that “only today’s Court could love.”
Eric Adams might love it, too.
Ask Jordan questions during his Reddit AMA on Wednesday at 2 p.m. ETwhere he will discuss the biggest cases of the Supreme Court’s next term.
On Monday, New York City’s first indicted sitting mayor moved to dismiss the federal bribery charge against him, citing that recent Supreme Court precedent, called Snyder v. United States.
“Just three months ago, the Supreme Court rebuked the Justice Department for adopting an ‘unfathomable’ interpretation of the federal-program bribery statute,” the Democratic mayor’s lawyers wrote in their trial court motionciting the Snyder case.
“Yet here goes the Department again,” they argued, surmising that:
It appears that after years of casting about for something, anything, to support a federal charge against New York City Mayor Eric Adams, prosecutors had settled on a theory that depended on the Department’s longstanding view that Section 666 [the bribery law at issue] criminalizes gratuities, including gifts meant to curry favor with governmental officials but not linked to any specific question or matter. When the Supreme Court rejected that interpretation in June, prosecutors simply added a few vague allegations and called their theory bribery — “a far more serious offense than gratuities” [a quote from the Snyder opinion].
Arguing that “the government’s makeover doesn’t work,” Adams’ lawyers wrote:
The indictment does not allege that Mayor Adams agreed to perform any official act at the time that he received a benefit. Rather, it alleges only that while serving as Brooklyn Borough President –not Mayor, or even Mayor-elect — he agreed generally to assist with the ‘operation’ or ‘regulation’ of a Turkish Consulate building in Manhattan, where he had no authority whatsoever, in exchange for travel benefits (e.g., upgrades to vacant business-class seats and a car ride to a restaurant).
They concluded the 25-page filing by writing:
In short, the bribery count in the indictment suffers from the same fundamental legal problems that have long plagued the Justice Department’s aggressive targeting of prominent public officials: a sweeping view of federal statutes that criminalizes routine conduct and replaces measured ethics rules with the blunt force of federal criminal law. The consequence is a lack of fair notice to defendants and the kind of highly selective enforcement on display here.
Now, this is the type of argument that the Supreme Court has embraced in recent years — not just in the Snyder case but also in a string of appeals dating back at least to the 2016 ruling in favor of former Virginia Gov. Bob McDonnell that narrowed corruption-related prosecutions.
It’s too early to know whether Adams, who has pleaded not guilty, will be able to successfully harness that judicial skepticism to get out of his indictment, which we’re all still digesting. But however heavy-handed the defense argument sounds, it’s the sort of claim that Adams’ lawyers would be foolish not to make, given the state of the law and the Supreme Court.
The Justice Department will get to respond to Adams’ motion, and federal prosecutors will likely disagree with both the defendant’s understanding of the law and how it applies to the facts of his case. (Adams’ motion only concerns the bribery allegation, and we should expect him to separately challenge the other charges in the indictment, including those related to allegedly illegal campaign contribution dealings.)
Indeed, prosecutors probably aren’t too surprised at Adams’ argument. At least they shouldn’t be. In strategizing the case, they likely will have considered the charges against the backdrop of how they would fare on an inevitable appeal if there’s a conviction. But however damning the allegations against the mayor may seem, the justices seemingly stand ready to save white-collar defendants from charges that might possibly be seen as criminalizing politics, however shady that politics is.
TheDeadline: Legal Newsletterreturns Oct. 4.Subscribefor expert analysis on the top legal stories of the week, including updates from the new Supreme Court term and developments in Donald Trump’s legal cases.
Jordan Rubin is the Deadline: Legal Blog writer. He was a prosecutor for the New York County District Attorney’s Office in Manhattan and is the author of “Bizarro,” a book about the secret war on synthetic drugs. Before he joined BLN, he was a legal reporter for Bloomberg Law.
Politics
Clyburn’s seat survives for now as South Carolina Republicans buck Trump on redistricting
South Carolina Republicans defied President Donald Trump and blocked a redistricting measure that would have drawn out the state’s lone Democrat, Rep. Jim Clyburn.
The move Tuesday all but kills their chances of flipping that seat for 2026. It’s possible the GOP will still draw out Clyburn before 2028.
A procedural vote to end debate on the map early failed in the state Senate 24-20, with 12 Republicans joining all Democrats. The state Senate then voted to adjourn until June 10, effectively ending any hope of redistricting before the midterms.
It’s a massive pivot from just two weeks ago, when GOP Gov. Henry McMaster chose to call a special season to redraw after pressure from Trump and the White House. Now, Republican lawmakers who defected in South Carolina could face the same fate in 2028 as Indiana lawmakers who rebuked Trump — and then lost their primaries to MAGA-aligned challengers.
But because of the timing of the elections — the timing they refused to change — the South Carolina Republicans will likely be safe until the 2028 primaries, as early voting has already begun for this year.
The rebuke from fellow Republicans came as a shock to Trump’s political operation, according to one person close to the White House granted anonymity to discuss the internal dynamics. McMaster never gave the White House a heads up that the vote was on track to fail, the person said.
McMaster’s office did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
The state’s Senate GOP leader, Shane Massey, had long opposed a redraw, giving a fiery speech during a procedural vote earlier this month that received national attention. Despite earlier votes in the Senate looking on pace for a redraw, a number of Republicans flipped on Tuesday, citing the start of early voting as reason for doing so.
Even without the extra seat from South Carolina, Republicans have an overall edge in the redistricting war. But many of those wins came from the courts.
The Supreme Court’s decision earlier this year to narrow the Voting Rights Act has led to swift redraws across other Southern states, and the Virginia Supreme Court erased a four-seat Democratic gerrymander that was approved by voters.
There are still some states outstanding before November. Alabama Republicans are trying to use a 2023 map that eliminates a Democratic-held seat, but it’s jammed up in court. And Louisiana Republicans are still working to pass a map before the midterms.
Politics
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