Congress
Democrats confront an ICE dilemma: To rein it in, they have to fund it
New calls to “defund ICE” are reverberating through the Democratic Party following last week’s deadly shooting by a federal agent in Minneapolis. Behind the scenes, top Democrats are feverishly working to fund the agency — with strings attached.
The mismatch between the anti-ICE rhetoric and the actions of Democratic appropriators reflects a Catch-22 of congressional power: The only way lawmakers can put guardrails on the controversial agency and curb President Donald Trump’s immigration enforcement agenda at this moment is to hand it billions of taxpayer dollars.
As they negotiate fiscal 2026 funding for the Department of Homeland Security with Republicans ahead of a Jan. 30 shutdown deadline, Democrats are demanding new rules for DHS agents, such as forcing them to use body cameras, refrain from wearing masks and go through more extensive training.
Even as new polling fielded after the fatal Jan. 7 shooting of Renee Good shows that a plurality of voters back ICE’s elimination, top Democrats on Capitol Hill are seeking to restrain the agency under Trump’s leadership — not disband it.
“House Democrats want accountability and oversight of ICE,” Rep. Pete Aguilar of California, the No. 3 Democratic leader, told reporters Tuesday. “They should have to continue to testify to Congress as to what they are doing. But more importantly, we need to look out for the American people right now. They are terrorizing people in the streets of this country.”
Among the rank-and-file, there is also a deep desire to rein in the agency. Rep. Darren Soto (D-Fla.), deputy chair of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus, said in an interview his group supports “reforms” for the agency.
“It’s not the CHC’s position that we’re terminating ICE,” Soto said. “But there is a culture of violence that’s happening that does need to be addressed.”
The Congressional Progressive Caucus, meanwhile, announced Tuesday it had “adopted an official position” opposing new DHS funding “unless there are meaningful and significant reforms to immigration enforcement practices.”
It’s not clear what GOP leaders are willing to accept in return for the Democratic votes that will be necessary to pass any DHS funding bill. They have not publicly ruled out new rules for ICE, despite equating Democrats’ demands with support for lax immigration policies.
“Understand, what happened last week gave them more things to yell about,” House Majority Leader Steve Scalise told reporters this week, referring to Democrats’ response to the shooting. “But they’ve been against ICE — and frankly, they’ve been for open borders, more importantly — for years as well.”
Part of a calculation for both sides is that the alternatives to a negotiated compromise are unsavory for each party. Democratic lawmakers are in no mood to default to a lengthy stopgap funding patch that would maintain the status quo on immigration enforcement and give the Trump administration more leeway to decide how the money is spent. And if Republicans refuse to enact restraints, they warn, funding for DHS could lapse altogether in a few weeks.
“The question is for Republicans: Are they willing to shut down the government simply to endorse the most lawless Department of Homeland Security in the history of the country?” Connecticut Sen. Chris Murphy, the top Democrat on the Homeland Security funding panel, said on NBC’s “Meet the Press” over the weekend.
Despite the tough rhetoric, Murphy showed a willingness to compromise in comments to reporters this week. Appropriators, he said, are “not going to write a comprehensive immigration enforcement reform bill” within the DHS funding measure.
“But in every bill there’s language on how our money is spent. And I want to make sure that our money is spent lawfully,” he continued. “So yes, we’re having conversations about how we can pass a bill — but a bill that makes sure that ICE is operating legally.”
One of the challenges for lawmakers is that Republicans already gave ICE billions of dollars within the party-line tax and spending package they enacted over the summer. The “big, beautiful bill” included $75 billion for the agency over the following decade, above and beyond the nearly $11 billion it was granted in the fiscal year that ended in September.
“It’s important to understand that a lot of the funding that’s being unleashed on the American people in such extreme ways right now was provided not through the traditional appropriations process,” House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries told reporters this week.
In spite of the major roadblocks to clinching a bipartisan funding deal, there are lawmakers on both sides of the aisle who are interested in putting at least some fetters on immigration enforcement agencies.
The day after the fatal shooting in Minnesota, GOP Sen. Lisa Murkowski of Alaska said footage of the killing was “deeply disturbing” and called for “policy changes to help prevent future tragedies” that would ensure ICE agents work “safely — and with empathy and respect for human life.”
Both Democrats and Republicans in the Senate objected to moving forward this week with the DHS funding bill, House Appropriations Chair Tom Cole (R-Okla.) said, forcing it to be stripped from a planned multibill package at the 11th hour.
“This one’s tricky, just simply because of the political situation,” Cole told reporters. “We’re trying to work with our colleagues. I know they’re trying to get a bill. But I’m very sensitive to the political challenges they have on this particular bill.”
Senate Appropriations Chair Susan Collins (R-Maine) also acknowledged this week that “obviously the agency and some of its actions have raised questions lately,” adding that while a deal on DHS funding hasn’t yet been notched, “it doesn’t mean it won’t be eventually.”
Even before the shooting in Minnesota, lawmakers in both parties had agreed to new limits on the Trump administration’s ability to redirect DHS money to purposes other than what Congress prescribes.
Rep. Mark Amodei, the Nevada Republican who chairs the Homeland Security funding panel, told reporters last week that House and Senate appropriators are crafting the spending measure to make it “harder to make the money mobile.”
He called the Trump administration’s penchant for shifting around cash “bullshit” and acknowledged that Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem would not be fond of the new restrictions.
On Tuesday, Amodei struck an upbeat note on the negotiations, saying the DHS bill is “progressing nicely.”
Calen Razor contributed to this report.
Congress
Platner raised $4 million, but Collins retains cash advantage
Progressive political newcomer Graham Platner outraised both Democratic Gov. Janet Mills and Sen. Susan Collins in the first fundraising quarter in Maine’s key Senate race.
But Collins, seeking her sixth term, maintains a formidable cash advantage over both of her Democratic opponents that could give her a head start against whichever Democrat emerges from the June primary.
Platner raised $4.1 million in the first quarter, down from $4.6 million he had raised the prior quarter, while Mills brought in $2.6 million, down from $2.7 million in the final quarter of 2025, which had also included her campaign launch.
Collins brought in just over $3 million and had just over $10 million in the bank. She is also expected to be buoyed by a wave of outside money, with a super PAC supporting her, Pine Tree Results, reporting another $11.5 million cash on hand. Platner had $2.7 million in the bank, while Mills had just over $1 million.
Maine is one of national Democrats’ top targets as they seek to take back the Senate, with Collins the only Republican senator representing a seat won by Kamala Harris in 2024.
But it is one of the few battleground states where Democrats do not have a clear cash advantage. The comparatively lower fundraising totals for Platner and Mills compared to Democratic Senate candidates in states such as Ohio and North Carolina may reflect that some donors are still waiting on the sidelines to see which of the pair emerges to face Collins, while others are choosing sides.
Both Platner and Mills have faced challenges, albeit very different ones, in the primary. Mills, a two-term governor who entered the race with the backing of national Democrats, has trailed in recent public polling despite her near-universal name recognition. Platner, an oysterman and military veteran, quickly caught national attention and has drawn large crowds in the state. But he has been beset with a string of controversies involving old Reddit posts that began in mid-October, near the beginning of the previous fundraising quarter.
Congress
Rogers holds slim cash advantage in Michigan over Dem opponents
Former GOP Rep. Mike Rogers has opened up a small cash advantage over his Democratic rivals in Michigan’s open Senate race as they battle through a competitive primary. But he hasn’t taken full advantage of the hard-fought contest on the other side to build a big financial edge.
Rogers raised $2.2 million over the first three months of the year and began April with $4.2 million in cash on hand, according to his federal campaign finance filing.
It’s a small cushion, however, especially considering that he has no serious primary competition, with two of his three Democratic potential opponents outraising him for the quarter.
State Sen. Mallory McMorrow raked in $3 million and had nearly $3.7 million in cash on hand. Abdul El-Sayed raised just under $2.3 million and had $2.5 million in the bank. And Rep. Haley Stevens brought in $2 million and had nearly $3.4 million in her coffers.
Still, Rogers is in a better financial position now than at this point in his last Senate run, when he had less than $1.4 million in cash on hand compared to now-Sen. Elissa Slotkin’s $8.6 million. Slotkin beat Rogers in that race by just 19,000 votes as Trump won the state by an 80,000-vote margin.
Rogers is in line for some significant outside aid. The Senate Leadership Fund, a top Republican super PAC, said earlier this month that it would pour $45 million into flipping the seat that will be critical to determining control of the chamber.
Congress
House Transportation chair reveals markup date for highway bill
House Transportation Chair Sam Graves (R-Mo.) is targeting April 29 as the markup date for the surface transportation reauthorization bill and is negotiating a topline number between $500 and $550 billion, he told Blue Light News Wednesday.
While a final topline number has yet to be agreed on, Graves said he has a ballpark figure.
“I’m gonna say it’s gonna be somewhere in the neighborhood of $550 billion or $500 billion — somewhere in there. That will be our number. We’re still actually — believe it or not — negotiating that,” Graves said.
That $550 billion total number being discussed for what is also known as the highway bill would be a combination of authorizations and contract authority for a five-year span.
If that number holds, the bill would be well below the 2021 bipartisan infrastructure law, which totaled $1.2 trillion, with $550 billion of that going to new federal spending for roads, bridges, transit, broadband, resilience and water infrastructure. Graves has said he wants the upcoming bill to be more traditional than the previous one with more focus on roads and bridges.
He added that he is in active talks with ranking member Rick Larsen (D-Wash.) and that he thinks Larsen “wants a little bit more” in funding. Peter True, a spokesperson for Larsen, confirmed Larsen wants a higher number than $550 billion.
Graves said there will be a registration fee for electric vehicles in the surface bill, a long-sought goal of his. Last year, he succeeded in inserting a $250 registration fee for EVs and $100 for hybrids in the House version of the GOP-led budget reconciliation bill, but those provisions never made it into law. He said the EV fee will be different this time around.
“We lowered it a little bit,” Graves said of the EV fee, though he did not provide an exact figure.
As for a registration fee on hybrid cars, he was less clear: “We’re not sure yet, but yes, probably.”
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