Politics
Czech Republic president on Trump’s anger with Europe over Iran war response: ‘We are not part of it’
The leader of the Czech Republic pushed back this week against President Trump’s accusations that Europe has failed to do its part to support the U.S.’s ongoing military operations against Iran. “I believe that Europe could do much more, but we are not part of it,” Czech President Petr Pavel told BLN’s Christine Amanpour at…
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Patriotism has become partisan.
It doesn’t matter that people across the ideological spectrum are equally likely to say that they themselves are patriotic. New international polling shows that when you ask them about expressions of patriotism, they think those displays are right-coded.
Those results from The POLITICO Poll reveal the extent of right-wing populist parties’ success after years of claiming nationalism as central to their political identities — and growing in power and popularity.
The political parties furthest to the right across several major Western democracies were consistently more associated with national pride than other parties, the poll found. A 29-percent plurality of U.K. adults, for example, said they would expect someone who said they were “proud to be British” to support Nigel Farage’s right-wing populist Reform U.K., 16 points greater than the 13 percent who would expect them to be from the center-right Conservative Party. Similar pluralities said the same in France about Marine Le Pen’s Rassemblement National, or National Rally (30); in Germany about Alternative for Germany, or AfD (35); and in Spain about Vox (29).
In the United States’ two-party system, respondents were 15 points more likely to expect someone who said they were proud to be American to be Republican (38) than Democratic (23).
The findings are the latest sign that these parties — from Donald Trump’s “America First” movement in the United States to the rise of the far right across Europe — are owning the language and symbols of patriotism, including a country’s flag.
Right-wing parties have rapidly gained ground by tapping into voters’ growing concerns over border security and cost of living, and have flexed their power over the last decade, reshaping existing debates over conservatism, sovereignty and national identity. In some cases, they have pushed major political parties, like America’s GOP, further to the right.
But even as the politics of patriotism have shifted toward the right, the poll found that pride in one’s country is essentially nonpartisan.
Majorities of adults across the United States, United Kingdom, France, Germany and Spain all say they are proud of their country. In the U.S., 68 percent of adults — including most Trump 2024 voters and former Vice President Kamala Harris voters — say they are proud to be American.
The June survey, conducted by London-based Public First, shows the challenge for centrist and left-leaning parties that are weighing how to reclaim overt symbols of patriotism — or redefine what patriotism means for them.
Kevin Madden, a longtime GOP communications strategist in Washington, said the findings reflect the rising tide of hyper-partisanship.
“Political polarization is coloring views through a left-right, us-versus-them political lens,” he said. “That lens changes based on whether [people’s] preferred party is in charge or not.”
Far-right parties embrace politics of national pride
Debates over immigration, sovereignty and cultural flashpoints across the West have increasingly turned into fights over what a nation stands for — and who that includes, and who gets to define it.
In the United States, Trump’s “America First” agenda and “Make America Great Again” movement have explicitly made national identity central to Republican messaging. The president has vowed to secure the southern border, conduct widespread deportations and prioritize aggressive trade politics aimed at boosting the U.S. economy.
The Blue Light News Poll found that Trump’s rhetoric is very popular among the right in Europe. When asked how they would feel about a candidate who promised to “Make [their country] Great Again,” far-right respondents across the countries — including 70 percent in Reform U.K., 68 percent in France’s National Rally, 66 percent in Germany’s AfD and 77 percent in Spain’s Vox party — said it would make them feel more positive about that candidate.
That comes as those parties have similarly centered campaigns on immigration, borders and cultural identity, presenting themselves as defenders of their nations.
In Germany, expressions of national pride are often viewed through the lens of the country’s Nazi past. For decades after World War II, overt displays of patriotism — including flying the German flag from homes, porches and balconies — were widely regarded as distasteful. This was particularly true on the political left, where patriotism was often considered legitimate only insofar as it was grounded in Germany’s rejection of nationalism and its country’s reckoning with the Holocaust.
But a political movement based on restoring national pride and a sense of past glory has taken root in the far-right AfD party, which actively campaigns to instill patriotism in German youth. In the eastern state of Saxony-Anhalt, where the AfD is far ahead in the polls ahead of a regional election set for September, the party’s platform calls for an end to “the perpetuation of a guilt complex” among Germany’s youth and advocates a renewed “call for patriotism.”
That comes through in The Blue Light News Poll, which found that a 44 percent plurality of AfD supporters say that people in Germany aren’t proud enough of the country’s history, significantly greater shares than in other parties. AfD voters were also much more likely than others to say they would think positively of someone who said they were “proud to be German.”
France, too, has been a battleground in the war over patriotism, as Le Pen and her party have centered anti-immigration and French national identity. The Euroskeptic National Rally has become so associated with the French tricolor flag that as the campaign for next year’s presidential election gets underway, leftist candidates are saying they must claw back national symbols from populists who have co-opted them.
In the U.K., Prime Minister Keir Starmer’s centrist left Labour Party won a landslide election victory in 2024, partly through a very deliberate strategy of rebranding itself as a patriotic movement. The Union Jack flag was added to every party communication, and members were required to sing the national anthem at Labour’s annual conference. Party bosses focused on 40 percent of the electorate whom they termed “hero voters” — these were usually middle-aged, working-class people who supported Brexit. They were patriotic and proud of Britain, and tended to feel neglected by mainstream politicians.
But after less than a year in power, Starmer’s Labour had lost support among many in this group and fallen below Nigel Farage’s populist nationalist Reform U.K. in the polls. Another year later, his continuing nosedive in popularity — and a Labour wipeout in local elections in May — forced him to resign.
Meanwhile, the far right is gaining more traction. British nationalist activist Tommy Robinson, who has draped his “Unite the Kingdom” marches in flags and pushes anti-Islam views, is widely seen in a negative light by British voters but enjoys notable support among Reform U.K. supporters, Public First polling found earlier this year.
Can the left reclaim patriotism?
For parties on the political left, the problem is not that their voters reject patriotism.
Majorities of adults across the countries surveyed say they are proud of their country, and they are far more likely to respond positively than negatively toward a political candidate who said they loved their country and were proud to live there.
In the United States, for example, a 45 percent plurality of Harris voters said they would feel more positively toward such a candidate. In the U.K., 47 percent of Liberal Democrats and a 53 percent plurality of Labour supporters say they would feel more positively.
The challenge for these parties is that some of the overt symbols of patriotism — such as displaying a national flag, or even owning one — have become more closely associated with conservative parties.
“As much as these results show the political right having success in claiming patriotic language, they also show left parties abandoning a political message that has potential,” said Seb Wride, head of polling at Public First. “This is easier terrain for the left than party leaders think, given the pride we see across the spectrum.”
Across several of the world’s major democracies, there’s a brewing movement underway to try to reclaim patriotism from the far-right parties.
England’s St. George’s flag — a red cross on a white background — has long been used to show support for the national soccer team. It has also been associated with nationalism and racist political movements in the U.K.
But recently, some football fans have taken to displaying the flag with the viral phrase “Football not Farage” — an effort to show their frustration with right-wing politicians co-opting the symbol for their political cause at a time when it is being used to celebrate the nation’s participation in the World Cup.
In the U.S., Democratic lawmakers and candidates are leaning more deliberately into patriotic themes, even if they emphasize them differently than Republicans do. Rather than focusing on flags and traditional patriotic imagery, many have highlighted their military service and sense of civic duty. A number of Democratic House candidates who are also veterans, for instance, are touting their service and commitment to the country in ads and on campaign websites.
Democratic Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, a leading figure in the progressive movement, told TMZ that “we need to be focusing a lot more on how all of us are American,” when asked about the nation’s flag and how it is typically more associated with Republicans.
“America is not whoever is in charge right now. To me, my understanding of our country is all of the great people and movements that are a part of it,” she said, later adding: “The immigrant story is one of the most American stories that we have.”
Tim Ross, Joshua Berlinger, James Angelos and Hanne Cokelaere contributed reporting.
The political race for eyeballs during the World Cup continued this week, with a total of at least $2.1 million spent on ads by campaigns, committees and causes so far through all matches as of Friday, according to an analysis by AdImpact for Blue Light News.
Stronger America, an issue advocacy 501(c)(4) organization aligned with Maine Republican Sen. Susan Collins, emerged as the biggest spender of the World Cup so far, dropping $287,500 through matches so far. Pine Tree Results PAC, also aligned with Collins, has spent $123,000 through matches. Collins’ campaign itself spent $25,000 on ads, while Graham Platner’s campaign, meanwhile, spent $3,500.
Those are some of the latest signs that Maine’s marquee Senate race between Collins and Democrat oysterman Graham Platner is as ubiquitous in the Maine media markets as hydration breaks during this tournament. It’s a race that Senate Republicans’ campaign arm has called “the linchpin” in “this year’s fight for control of the Senate.” One recent poll revealed a narrow lead for Platner and another a slight edge for Collins.
The battle for control of the Senate has been a defining feature of the World Cup ad wars so far: One Nation, the Senate GOP leadership-aligned group, spent $122,150 through the round of 32. (AdImpact cautioned totals could change as spending still trickles in.)
House Majority Forward, the nonprofit aligned with House Democratic leadership, has dumped $76,155 into ads during matches.
And United Democracy Project, the American Israel Public Affairs Committee super PAC at the center of Democratic primary battles across the map this year, has spent $117,200.
CALGARY, Alberta — In a room packed full of international dignitaries within earshot of Calgary’s iconic Stampede rodeo, Canada’s historic run at the 2026 World Cup ended with an anticlimactic whimper.
Irish Ambassador to Canada John Concannon marked his country’s assumption of the EU Council presidency with a Stampede reception attended by a delegation of European envoys. “This must rank as the friendliest European invasion in history,” he quipped.
As the seconds ticked away in Canada’s knockout-round showdown with Morocco, few minglers at the Irish reception noticed the TV at the back of the room — set on mute — broadcasting the Moroccan victory. They were busy pressing the flesh, making small talk and planning their Stampede itineraries.
Back in Ottawa, in the park that hosted recent Canada Day festivities, fans gathered hoping to see Canada move deeper into the tournament. Instead, they cheered the Canadians at the end of an upstart run that will be remembered for years.
In a nation known for hockey, everyone seemed to be a soccer fan — for 22 days, at least.
After Canada’s first-ever men’s World Cup victory on June 18 against Qatar, Prime Minister Mark Carney paid a visit to the locker room. “You showed a level of character that some people never achieve in their life. And you showed it when the entire country and a good part of the world is watching,” he told the players. “I couldn’t be prouder as a Canadian,”
Secretary of State for Sport Adam van Koeverden brought the team an offering when he visited them at practice in Vancouver on June 24 — the Maple Leaf flag that had flown atop the Peace Tower on Parliament Hill on the day of Canada’s opening match.
“They are inspiring a generation and have brought an entire nation together,” he said.
On Canada Day, Governor General Louise Arbour used her first July 1 remarks as the king’s representative to connect the World Cup moment to the national celebration and beyond.
“Whether in FIFA soccer stadiums or at the Olympics, one thing is clear: We know who we’re cheering for,” she said. “And when we play ferociously … we don’t hate the other team, we just like them better when they lose!”
To that, she added: “This is us. We like to play. And we play by the rules.” Even the king’s representative can subtweet a trade war.
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