Hill Republicans are delivering a flurry of rare rebukes of the Trump administration, in the latest sign that the president doesn’t have complete control over the GOP governing trifecta.

First, Speaker Mike Johnson split with the White House over making steep Medicaid cuts to fund the GOP’s megabill. The speaker told POLITICO Thursday he’s “not a big fan” of the White House’s alternative proposal: slash drug costs by pursuing a “one favored nation” policy, which would link certain government payments for pharmaceuticals to the lower prices paid abroad.

That schism comes as House GOP leaders are furiously looking for ways to pay for their party-line package that don’t involve cutting Medicaid benefits — per President Donald Trump’s wishes — or a popular food-assistance program. Struggles to reach consensus on both prompted Republicans to hold off scheduling the Energy and Commerce and Agriculture markups they hoped to hold next week to advance portions of the broader bill.

Elsewhere Thursday, House Appropriations Chair Tom Cole was showing impatience with the White House, which is due to send over a preliminary “skinny budget” later Friday of broad funding targets but still needs to transmit a full budget request later this month. The president is not the “commander” of Congress, the Oklahoma Republican told reporters, as GOP appropriators grow antsy for input from the administration so they can start writing the 12 annual funding bills.

And across the Capitol, Republican senators displayed unusual public discomfort with one of Trump’s nominees: Ed Martin for U.S. attorney for the District of Columbia, who has in the past defended Jan. 6 rioters. Some Republicans refused to say whether they would vote for him. That includes a reliable leadership ally, Sen. John Cornyn, who said this week: “We’ll cross that bridge when we come to it.” Other Republicans are waiting to see if the White House pulls the plug on Martin’s nomination before they’re forced to vote or otherwise take a position on it.

These fissures, like many we’ve seen before, are unlikely to last. But the drips of GOP pushback are a notable glimpse of how Republicans are trying to retain a semblance of their autonomy in the Trump era.

What else we’re watching:

– Waltz back in the hot seat: Trump nominated embattled ex-national security adviser Mike Waltz to serve as U.N. ambassador on Thursday — and in doing so, Trump is setting up the former representative for a tough confirmation hearing that will likely also bring heat back onto Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth. It also could create another conference-wrangling challenge for Majority Leader John Thune.

– Valadao’s Medicaid machinations: House Republican moderates are working behind the scenes to rein in the conference’s ambitions to slash Medicaid. And Rep. David Valadao, who runs the centrist-oriented Republican Governance Group, is behind the effort. He has spent the last several weeks in near-constant communication with colleagues, which includes weekly meetings with the chairs of key ideological caucuses across the GOP conference and an ongoing text chat with nearly a dozen members.

– The next big markup: House Natural Resources published its portion of the GOP reconciliation bill Thursday night, going well beyond its $1 billion deficit reduction target by mandating more frequent oil and gas lease sales and speeding permit approvals for energy projects. The committee plans to mark up the legislation Tuesday that would reduce the deficit by $15 billion, according to committee aides. It would also pull back small parts of funding from the climate law known as the Inflation Reduction Act.

James Bikales, Jordain Carney, Meredith Lee Hill and James Siegel contributed to this report.

President Trump’s pick to be Washington’s top prosecutor appears to be in trouble with Senate Republicans.

No GOP senator has said they will oppose Ed Martin to be U.S. attorney for the District of Columbia, a spot he currently fills in an acting capacity. But several are publicly raising concerns or refusing to say if they will vote for him — an unusual posture for senators who have been largely deferential to Trump’s nominees.

“I’m hearing that at least a couple members of the [Senate Judiciary] Committee have expressed some concerns about him,” said Sen. Lisa Murkowski, who is not a member of the panel.

The Judiciary Committee won’t hold a hearing on Martin’s nomination, in line with the panel’s precedent for U.S. attorney picks. Chair Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) said in a brief interview this week that he hasn’t yet determined when to schedule a vote to advance Martin, noting that members want to meet with him and that the committee is working through his responses to hundreds of submitted questions.

It’s not clear that Martin will be able to get through the committee, which is split 12-10 — meaning opposition from one GOP senator would be enough to deadlock the panel. Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.), one of the most vulnerable members up for reelection in 2026, expressed concerns over his previous comments minimizing the Jan. 6, 2021, Capitol riot.

“I’ll be meeting with him,” Tillis said. “We’ve just got to be very careful because this place suddenly becomes a target if we feel like we have a prosecutor who’s not inclined to prosecute those kinds of cases. So I just need to get comfortable.”

Asked Thursday if he thought Martin had the votes, Thune said “he’s got out of the committee first, so we’ll cross that bridge when we come to it.” If the panel deadlocks, Thune could still try to get Martin’s nomination to the floor, but it wouldn’t bode well for his chances of confirmation.

Senate Republicans haven’t formally rejected any of Trump’s nominees so far, and some hinted this week they were waiting to see if they would be forced to vote on him or if the White House would pull the nomination given the potential opposition. Given their 53-seat majority, four Senate Republicans would need to vote against him along with every Democrat and independent.

Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas), a leadership adviser who is on the Judiciary Committee, declined on Thursday to say if he would vote for Martin, adding, “We’ll cross that bridge when we come to it.”

Murkowski said she did not currently have a meeting scheduled with Martin, but that “if his nomination seems to be moving forward and it was clear that I was going to be in a position where I would have to vote on the floor — yeah, I would want to meet him.”

Martin has previously been critical of or called for primary challenges against some of the same Senate Republicans who now hold the fate of his nomination in their hands. Among the senators Martin has previously targeted are Susan Collins of Maine and Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, who would both likely be key votes if he gets to the floor.

But it’s his previous comments and actions related to Jan. 6 that have sparked the most public heartburn among GOP senators, including from Murkowski and Sen. John Curtis (R-Utah). Martin backed the “stop the steal” movement in the wake of the 2020 election, defended Jan. 6 rioters and has launched an investigation into the Justice Department’s charges against some of those who participated in the riot.

Hailey Fuchs contributed to this report.

A top aide to Rep. Jerry Nadler reminded fellow Democratic staffers to let each other know when their bosses sign on to bills after several lawmakers removed themselves as cosponsors from Rep. Shri Thanedar’s impeachment resolution targeting President Donald Trump.

“Members can walk away with different impressions of a conversation, and a quick check-in with staff can go a long way in avoiding confusion,” the aide, Andrew Heineman, wrote in an Thursday email to all Democratic legislative directors obtained by Blue Light News. “I don’t think any of us want to learn that their boss was added to a bill that’s been introduced from a Google Alert.”

Thanedar (D-Mich.) introduced a resolution Monday to impeach Trump with four Democrats listed as cosponsors: Nadler of New York, plus Reps. Jan Schakowsky of Illinois, Robin Kelly of Illinois and Kweisi Mfume of Maryland. All four have since withdrawn as cosponsors and implied that they were mistakenly added to the legislation after conversations with Thanedar.

Thanedar’s office didn’t respond to a request for comment.

“The Congresswoman was under the impression that the resolution was drafted and reviewed by experts from the House Judiciary Committee,” Kelly’s spokesperson said.

A Mfume spokesperson said he removed himself “because he was made aware it was not cleared by Democratic leadership and not fully vetted legally — and he preferred to err on the side of caution.”