Congress
Congress is back. They have more to deal with than a potential shutdown.
Congress returns Tuesday facing one big deadline: a possible federal government shutdown on Oct. 1 if Republicans and Democrats can’t come together on a funding deal.
But congressional leaders also have to manage a pileup of other thorny issues that could derail their plans and make September an unusually unpredictable month on Capitol Hill.
The potential fights include President Donald Trump’s push to tackle crime in Washington and elsewhere, the pending Senate pileup of his nominees, an ongoing push to ban stock trading by lawmakers and the looming expiration of key health care subsidies.
There’s also the explosive matter that forced the House to beat an early exit out of town in July: a bipartisan push to release Justice Department files related to the sexual predator Jeffrey Epstein.
Reps. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) and Ro Khanna (D-Calif.) plan to start the process of forcing a vote on their bill to compel the complete disclosure of Epstein-related documents “immediately,” Massie said in an interview.
“This has not gone away like the speaker had hoped,” Massie said. “If anything, now that the DOJ is releasing documents, it’s increasing the momentum.”
The GOP dissension over Epstein, as well as internal pressure to hold a vote on cracking down on member stock trading, pose twin threats to Speaker Mike Johnson’s control of the House as the shutdown deadline approaches.
Even a minor blowup could threaten Republican unity at a moment where Johnson and Senate Majority Leader John Thune want to present a united GOP front in the escalating funding fight.
Thune is facing challenges of his own: Senate Republicans are gearing up to change the chamber’s rules on presidential nominations amid pent-up frustration over the pace of confirmations — even as the White House throws them into a fight over the Federal Reserve’s independence that many of them are wary about.
Both chambers will also take up the sprawling annual defense policy bill, including a politically dicey cryptocurrency-related provision favored by House GOP hard-liners. And Republicans will try to quickly act to extend Trump’s control of the D.C. police — and potentially move broader crime legislation.
But the cloud hanging over all of it is that end-of-the-month deadline to avert a politically risky shutdown a year ahead of the midterms with Republican control of Congress at stake.
Senate GOP leaders and appropriators want a short-term year-end patch to buy time for a larger funding deal, possibly including an extension of the health care subsidies. They’ll face pushback from some conservatives, in both chambers and potentially the White House, who want to jam Democrats with a year-long funding bill that reflects GOP funding priorities.
Trump has already thrown Congress an early curveball — and increased the odds of a shutdown — by moving Friday to unilaterally claw back roughly $5 billion in approved foreign aid funding, further eroding already frayed bipartisan trust and infuriating Democrats and some Republicans.
Here’s what to watch heading into the September sprint:
Epstein files
Massie and Khanna plan to launch a discharge petition this week — an effort to sidestep Johnson and force a House vote on their bill requiring the Justice Department to release the complete Epstein files.
The duo is planning a Capitol Hill news conference Wednesday morning with victims of the deceased sex trafficker — just as GOP members and staffers meet with Trump officials for a strategy session blocks away.
Democrats on the Rules Committee, meanwhile, are expected to again force panel Republicans into tough votes by raising Epstein-related measures — a tactic that triggered a GOP mutiny and paralyzed the House floor in July.
Massie acknowledged GOP leaders could try to quash his discharge effort in the Rules Committee. “But I think this issue has reached escape velocity,” he said. “I don’t think they can get away with that on this.”
He added he is confident he can gather the necessary 218 signatures. And Rep. Riley Moore (R-W.Va.), who told reporters last week he would vote for the bill, said the discharge petition was putting his party’s leaders in a tight spot. “I don’t think there’s too many options,” Moore said. “I think you have to take it up, right?”
House GOP leaders, meanwhile, have discussed the option of putting an alternative Epstein resolution up for a vote to head off Massie’s discharge effort, according to two Republicans granted anonymity to relay private discussions.
In the Senate, Democrats on the Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee invoked a little-used law and set a Sept. 2 deadline for the DOJ to hand over documents and brief panel staff. If the department doesn’t comply, Democrats believe they’ll be able to sue — and keep the issue in the headlines indefinitely.
Member stock trading
Johnson is getting a little more breathing room on another internally divisive matter that has simmered over the summer break: a ban on congressional stock trading.
Rep. Anna Paulina Luna (R-Fla.) is making good on her threats to launch a discharge petition that would force a vote on her favored bill, authored by Rep. Tim Burchett (R-Tenn.). But she’s signaling she won’t trigger a floor vote immediately when lawmakers return. Instead, she plans to give GOP leaders till the end of the month to bring a stock-trading bill to the floor on their own terms.
If they don’t act, “I am calling up the discharge petition,” Luna said in an interview.
Democrats have privately warned they won’t sign en masse onto a discharge of the narrower Burchett bill alone — they want a more comprehensive measure. Lawmakers say they plan to soon unveil a separate bipartisan compromise that has been months in the making.
But GOP leaders are not yet sold on any ban. Johnson, in fact, has privately argued some lawmakers need to trade stocks in order to pay for their children’s schooling and other expenses.
Presidential nominations
After four weeks out of Washington, Republicans still believe they need to deploy the “nuclear option” to speed up consideration of Trump’s nominees.
That means acting along party lines to change the chamber’s rules, and GOP senators are expected to discuss next steps during a closed-door lunch this week. But their leaders have been laying the groundwork for the move, with Thune warning at a South Dakota event last month that “we’re going to change the way we do nominations in this country.”
Ideas under discussion include reducing the amount of debate time for most presidential nominees, confirming those nominees in groups or eliminating the need for procedural votes. There’s also interest in reducing the number of nominees that require Senate confirmation, but senators believe that would require a new law — not just a rules change.
Republicans will need near-complete unity to change the rules and already GOP Sen. Thom Tillis of North Carolina has said he won’t go nuclear. Facing criticism of Democrats’ nominee blockage, Minority Leader Chuck Schumer said “historically bad nominees deserve a historic level of scrutiny by Senate Democrats.”
Crime
Justice Department officials spoke during the recess with a small group of GOP staff about assembling a crime bill, according to two Republicans granted anonymity to describe the early talks.
Trump said last week he wants a “comprehensive” bill dealing with what he sees as a winning issue for Republicans heading into next year’s midterms — and he wants it fast. The package would likely reflect Trump’s push to eliminate no-cash bail nationwide and codify several other of his recent executive actions, among other items.
The talks are still in the “very preliminary” stages, according to one of the Republicans. One GOP lawmaker said passing a crime package would represent a huge win for the party ahead of next year’s midterms — and would also take the focus off Republicans’ Epstein crisis.
Trump is also pushing Congress to extend his 30-day takeover of the D.C. police, which expires on Sept. 9 — but it faces an all-but-guaranteed roadblock from Senate Democrats. He also wants $2 billion to “beautify” Washington, but lawmakers are still waiting for the administration to send over details of the request. What remains to be seen is what policy provisions Hill Republicans would seek to attach to any cash infusion for the overwhelmingly Democratic capital.
Government funding — and more
Republicans notched a huge win this spring when they were able to force Democrats to accept a full-year extension of fiscal 2024 funding levels. This time, however, the GOP is facing divisions in its ranks over their September funding strategy.
Thune has indicated he would prefer a short-term stopgap that would allow time to make progress toward a larger funding deal with Democrats at the end of the year. That strategy is backed by Senate Appropriations Chair Susan Collins, who is up for reelection in Maine next year, and other members of the spending panel.
But some conservatives in the House and Senate are already pushing for another full-year stopgap, paired with more spending cuts and potential policy sweeteners. House GOP leaders are seriously considering the idea — and it might also have fans in the administration, which has shown little interest in trying to cut a deal with Democrats.
The White House, in fact, significantly amped up chances for a shutdown Friday, when it moved to unilaterally cancel $5 billion in State Department and international aid funding. The so-called “pocket rescission” could be just the first salvo from White House budget director Russ Vought, who is determined to assert new presidential powers to rein in spending.
The move generated immediate backlash from lawmakers who believe the administration is undermining any chance of getting a bipartisan government funding agreement. Collins, for instance, called the move “a clear violation of the law.”
But it’s Democratic leaders who are under fierce pressure to play hardball. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, who took fire inside his party for assenting to the spring funding deal, offered a warning Friday: “If Republicans are insistent on going it alone, Democrats won’t be party to their destruction.”
Schumer and House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries are pushing the GOP to come to the table to discuss not only government funding, but also the impending lapse of tax credits offered under the Affordable Care Act. The expiration threatens to spike health insurance premiums for millions of low-income Americans unless lawmakers act.
Many vulnerable House Republicans are also desperate to extend the insurance subsidies, and bipartisan conversations are underway in the Senate. But a growing number of House and Senate conservatives are privately warning that any extension will be offset by additional cuts to Medicaid spending — a red line for Democrats and also some GOP senators.
This week, Johnson and Thune plan to put the spending fight on the back burner. The House is set to vote on the fiscal 2026 Energy and Water funding bill, while the Senate will move forward with the annual defense policy bill.
And while internal GOP strategy talks could break out, leaders are likely to seek out a way to push the ultimate showdown later into the year. The alternative would be a long, bitter and politically perilous shutdown.
Jennifer Scholtes contributed to this report.
Congress
Key Democrat seeks inspector general probe into FAA chief’s airline stock divestment
The Senate Commerce Committee’s top Democrat is calling on the Transportation Department’s independent watchdog to launch an investigation into whether Federal Aviation Administration Chief Bryan Bedford “profited from deliberately violating his ethics agreement” by not divesting from an airline company — which he once ran — during a stipulated time frame last year.
Bedford had vowed in that agreement to dispose of his equity in the parent corporation of Republic Airways, the regional carrier he presided over before joining the Trump administration, within 90 days of being confirmed to head the FAA. But he failed to meet that early October deadline, unloading millions of dollars in stock afterward, ethics documents he filed show.
In a Wednesday letter to acting DOT inspector general Mitch Behm, first reported by Blue Light News, Sen. Maria Cantwell (D-Wash.) and other Democratic lawmakers alleged that Bedford might have intentionally breached his agreement by waiting to divest his stock until after Republic Airways Holdings completed a merger with another regional airline company, Mesa Air Group.
Sens. Tammy Duckworth (D-Ill.) and Ed Markey (D-Mass.) signed the letter, too.
“We also have serious concerns about the veracity of Mr. Bedford’s shifting explanations for violating” his pledge, the trio said. Bedford ultimately divested his shares fully by late February, disclosing that he sold between $5.5 million and $26.2 million this year.
The lawmakers asked that Behm probe if the FAA chief “made material misrepresentations to Congress or the Office of Government Ethics” and urged him to dig into whether “any disciplinary or corrective actions are warranted,” including having Bedford relinquish “any excess capital gains he has realized.”
They argued that it appears he could have sold his stock on time, adding that the reason for his “divestiture obligation is obvious”: He holds significant sway over the regional airline industry as FAA administrator.
The agency told Blue Light News it will respond to the lawmakers directly and noted that Bedford has divested his stock. Republic Airways Holdings didn’t immediately respond to a request for comment.
Bedford previously defended himself during congressional testimony in December, saying, in part, that he followed career ethics officials’ advice.
He added: “I played it right down the fairway, completely transparent, open, honest about where I was at, what I was trying to accomplish.”
The inspector general’s office confirmed to Blue Light News that it received and will review the senators’ letter but otherwise has no comment for now.
Bedford retired as chief executive officer and president at Republic Airways Holdings, a private firm, on July 1, according to a Securities and Exchange Commission filing. The Senate OK’d him a little over a week later.
Under the terms of his ethics agreement, Bedford committed to divesting from the company no later than Oct. 7.
But in paperwork he signed that day, first reported in November by POLITICO, Bedford said he had yet to ditch his stock. He added that he would remain recused from any matters affecting the carrier’s financial interests while he retained his equity and was seeking an extension of his deadline.
He contacted Judith Kaleta, DOT’s deputy general counsel, to request another 60 days, citing his busy work schedule.
Kaleta wrote to OGE, the federal government’s central ethics office, urging it to grant Bedford’s ask.
Then, there seemed to be a misunderstanding. In an October conversation with OGE, outlined in a later email exchange, Kaleta recalled that “it was not clear to me that [the office] had reached a formal decision on the request.”
But OGE on Dec. 1 informed Kaleta in writing that it wouldn’t grant Bedford an extension and inquired about whether he had divested, saying the office would alert the Senate to the issue. Subsequently, Kaleta argued that she had thought Bedford’s ask was still unresolved; OGE responded: “We were not aware you believed the request for an amendment was still pending. … We conveyed being busy with your position did not constitute an ‘unusual hardship.’”
By this point, Republic Airways Holdings and Mesa Air Group had merged; the finalized deal was announced in late November. The combined carrier became publicly traded.
Kaleta didn’t immediately respond to a request for comment. Patrick Shepherd, an OGE spokesperson, in a statement said the office is “committed to transparency and citizen oversight of government” but doesn’t respond to questions about specific individuals.
Under the merger, Bedford was able to turn 16,733 private shares into “at least” 652,475 shares in the merged entity, according to the Democrats’ Wednesday letter, which cites an SEC filing.
OGE notified Senate Commerce Chair Ted Cruz (R-Texas) of Bedford’s ethics agreement violation on Dec. 8, and Cantwell expressed outrage over the matter.
During a Senate aviation subcommittee hearing later that month, Bedford faced sharp questions from some Democrats about the topic. He argued that he had simply followed the advice of career ethics officials; he was appropriately recusing himself in the meantime; and his hands were now tied due to the merger, with his stock “terminated.”
“I’m waiting for the shares to be reissued under the new organizational structure,” he said, apparently referring to the combined company, which is still called Republic Airways Holdings.
But he added: “My intention was always to complete the merger and to sell the shares in the market. That was my intention coming into government.”
His ethics agreement made no mention of this, and the Democrats’ Wednesday letter homed in on his testimony before the subcommittee.
Bedford disclosed in March that he had completed his divestment as of Feb. 20.
In a separate ethics document released in April, he noted that he had sold between $5.5 million and $26.2 million in stock in the company since the beginning of this year. Federal officials like Bedford only report transaction amounts in wide ranges.
Further complicating the situation, Bedford in that paperwork also revealed a sale of up to $5 million in stock on Oct. 21, the trio of Democrats said in their letter. This occurred after his ethics agreement deadline but before the merger was completed.
Bedford “never mentioned this transaction in his official correspondence or congressional testimony in December,” they said.
It appears, the lawmakers said, that Bedford was capable of fully divesting on time.
At close on Nov. 26, the day after the announcement of the merger’s completion, Republic Airways Holdings was trading at $21 per share. It stood at $19.75 on Feb. 20.
Congress
Capitol agenda: Senate GOP braces for Cabinet shakeup
The Trump administration saw yet another high-profile departure Wednesday, with Navy Secretary John Phelan heading to the exits. Senate Republicans are bracing for even more.
President Donald Trump’s recent administration shakeup — the sacking of Kristi Noem and Pam Bondi as well as this week’s departure of Lori Chavez-DeRemer — has created openings for a slew of potential confirmations, and GOP senators are contemplating who might be next and how quickly Trump should make any further changes.
No Republicans are publicly urging any particular oustings. But privately GOP senators believe Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick, Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard and FBI Director Kash Patel could be at risk of leaving — voluntarily or not.
“He’s in a bad mood,” one GOP senator said about Trump. “He’s preparing to really let a lot of them go.”
A further Cabinet shakeup would add more onto the Senate’s plate, and some GOP senators want anyone eyeing an exit to do it sooner rather than later to give the lawmakers the longest runway possible for confirming a successor.
On their minds is looming work on a budget reconciliation bill (maybe two), soon-to-lapse surveillance powers, a spate of lower-level nominations plus a potential Supreme Court vacancy.
“The number of working days are very limited,” Sen. Thom Tillis said in an interview. “You just do the math. It’s a very compressed schedule.”
That’s not to mention the looming midterms — and the possibility the GOP could lose control of the chamber.
Another GOP senator granted anonymity to speak candidly said that it would “make sense to do it now” and “you never know what’s going to happen to the Senate” in the midterms.
But several acknowledged the obvious: Trump will move on his own timeline.
And Majority Leader John Thune said the Senate already has a “full plate, so confirming new people is going to take a while.”
What else we’re watching:
— Eyes on the House after Senate vote-a-rama: Just after 3:30 a.m., the Senate voted 50-48 to green-light the GOP’s plan to send tens of billions of dollars to immigration enforcement agencies in the coming years. Now House Republicans need to approve the budget blueprint before GOP leaders can move on to crafting the party-line package itself. Thune told reporters that Speaker Mike Johnson hasn’t guaranteed the House can adopt the budget resolution in its current form.
— The latest on 702: Thune early Thursday also filed cloture on a three-year extension of the key spy authority known as Section 702 — an insurance policy in case the House can’t agree to a plan. “If the House can’t move by sometime tomorrow, then my assumption is we’re going to have to figure it out next week because we can’t afford to go dark,” he said.
Jennifer Scholtes contributed to this report.
Congress
GOP senators hope for a quick Cabinet shakeup
If you’re a Cabinet official thinking of pursuing a new professional opportunity, Senate Republicans have a request: Now’s the time to call it quits.
The departure this week of Labor Secretary Lori Chavez-DeRemer, who is following former Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem and Attorney General Pam Bondi out the door, has some GOP lawmakers pondering a larger Cabinet shakeup and what that could mean to an unsettled Senate floor schedule.
Senate Republicans are already trying to juggle a shrinking window for lawmaking before the November midterms — including at least one potential party-line budget reconciliation bill, a litany of measures they are negotiating with the House and, some hope, a possible Supreme Court vacancy.
That’s not to mention the growing uncertainty about what will happen in the midterms themselves, with many Republicans growing concerned that their four-seat majority could be at risk.
“The number of working days are very limited,” Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) said in an interview. “You just do the math. It’s a very compressed schedule.”
Tillis is among a group of Republican senators who believe Trump should make any further changes to his inner circle sooner rather than later to give the Senate maximum flexibility in confirming replacements. Waiting, they fear, could mean significant delays in confirmations or worse if Democrats can retake the majority.
Another GOP senator, who was granted anonymity to speak candidly, said any personnel shakeup is ultimately up to Trump but that it would “make sense to do it now.”
“As we get closer to the election … you never know what’s going to happen to the Senate,” the senator said.
No GOP senator is openly pointing to any particular Cabinet official as likely to depart. But three privately fingered Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick as someone they believe the president is likely to remove.
A fourth questioned how long Tulsi Gabbard, the director of national intelligence, would remain in her post given her split with the president on recent issues such as the Iran war and a soon-to-lapse surveillance authority, though many Republicans believe she has powerful allies within the White House and outside of the administration.
FBI Director Kash Patel is also under fresh scrutiny after The Atlantic published allegations of drinking and erratic behavior, which he has denied and launched a defamation lawsuit over. Two of the GOP senators granted anonymity to speak candidly said they believed Patel was on the rocks.
“He’s in a bad mood, so he’s letting a lot of them go,” one of the four said about Trump. “He’s preparing to really let a lot of them go.”
The senator added that the shakeup should happen sooner rather than later, saying, “It’s not like we’ll have that much time.”
The urgency was further underscored Wednesday by the sudden departure of Navy Secretary John Phelan, who was not a Cabinet member but occupied a senior Senate-confirmed post that is now vacant in wartime.
Other senators aren’t fretting, noting that any move to remake the Cabinet depends solely on Trump, who has been known to mull privately for months about potentially firing someone before taking action.
“I don’t think that’s how it works,” Sen. John Hoeven (R-N.D.) said. “Typically, you see some changes before, like right after the midterms, in preparation for the next two-year cycle.”
The White House defended Trump’s personnel choices in a statement Wednesday.
“The President has assembled a world-class cabinet who are tirelessly implementing the President’s agenda and achieving tremendous results for the American people,” spokesperson Davis Ingle said. “They will continue fulfilling the many promises President Trump was elected to enact. The White House is appreciative of their service to this country.”
The prospects for replacing Bondi, Chavez-DeRemer, Phelan and others could vary wildly.
Republicans were able to confirm Markwayne Mullin to succeed Noem at DHS in a matter of weeks — but that was the exception, not the norm. Mullin enjoyed bipartisan support as a sitting senator and moved through a committee with few procedural hurdles.
The Judiciary Committee, in contrast, has a 28-day holdover period between when it receives a nominee questionnaire and when it holds a hearing, meaning the Senate’s consideration of any attorney general nominee will be much slower.
Several committees including Judiciary, Banking and Finance all have one-seat margins between the parties, meaning that nominees that can’t garner Democratic support risk getting blocked by opposition from just one GOP panel member.
In addition to the Cabinet nominees, Senate Majority Leader John Thune is working to assemble a package of lower-level nominations to confirm as a group — though even that can be tricky. Sen. Rick Scott (R-Fla.), for instance, is holding up all Coast Guard promotions over a contract dispute.
Then there’s the growing pile of backed-up legislation, including the renewal of a contentious surveillance law, a stalled-out housing bill, the GOP’s party-line push for immigration enforcement and a potential push for yet another budget reconciliation bill. The chamber will also be out of session for long stretches later this year to accommodate midterm campaigning.
“We’ve got a full plate, so confirming new people is going to take a while,” Thune said.
Sen. Mike Rounds (R-S.D.) added that the Senate was also busy with the annual government funding process and assembling the mammoth defense policy bill.
“They’ll do it based on what’s best for them and the president,” he said of any departing deputies. “I think it’s totally up to the president as to when he would want to make a submission.”
The White House is signaling that it’s aware of the Senate’s calendar as it considers staffing shakeups and is trying to give the chamber enough time to confirm replacements before the end of the year approaches. Tillis warned that if Trump waits until June or July to oust additional officials, the Senate could run out of time to confirm them.
Sen. Kevin Cramer (R-N.D.) questioned if the time crunch wasn’t already so severe that filling any additional Cabinet departures would have to be a “lame duck thing” — referring to the traditional session held between an election and the beginning of the next Congress.
“I think we’re probably better right now … having the stability,” Cramer added.
The North Dakota Republican pointed to other items he wants to get done in the meantime, including appropriations, permitting reform, a farm bill and judicial nominations.
“There are big things to do yet,” Cramer said, noting the “constant Supreme Court chatter” he’d heard. “In fact, that would be more important.”
Leo Shane III contributed to this report.
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