Congress
Capitol agenda: Senate Dems’ shutdown test
Senate Democrats are running out of time to decide whether fighting President Donald Trump and Elon Musk’s funding freezes is worth forcing a government shutdown.
Assuming House Republicans can successfully pass the six-month spending patch they plan to put on the floor next week, GOP senators will need help from at least eight Democrats to get a House-passed stopgap bill through the other chamber. And they could need more if other Republicans join Sen. Rand Paul in opposition.
Right now, Republicans have one Democrat committed: Sen. John Fetterman, who said Thursday that he’ll “never” be part of shutting the government down. He said it was “bullshit” that Democrats “would even rattle those sabers.”
Sen. Dick Durbin, the chamber’s No. 2 Democrat, said Thursday that he didn’t believe enough of his members were willing to support a full-year stopgap bill to get it through the Senate. But Democrats have clearly been keeping their options open — Senate Democratic leaders have avoided saying the party would blanket oppose a clean funding patch, and they’ve privately urged members to keep their powder dry.
Senators are listening, for now. Across roughly a dozen interviews, Senate Democrats largely declined to say they’d vote against a clean stopgap. Sen. Tim Kaine said he is “anti-shutdown” but declined to endorse Republicans’ plan. And swing-state Sen. Elissa Slotkin told Mia she was “open to all options” but “I gotta understand what protections we have that money we appropriate is going to be used right for the purposes it was appropriated for.”
The bill may not be totally clean. It’s expected to include measures that would avert cuts in pay for doctors treating Medicare patients and extend eased Medicare telehealth rules. Those provisions are expected to be narrow. But any additions could make passing a stopgap harder, given that fiscal conservatives don’t want more spending and Democrats would like to propose additions of their own.
Several Democrats — and some Republicans — want to give negotiators more time to hash out a deal on overall spending levels with top appropriators saying an agreement is imminent. But GOP Sen. Susan Collins, the chamber’s top appropriator, indicated Thursday that House Republicans would not support a shorter stopgap.
“I do not think the House is interested in that,” she told reporters, adding, “I don’t know what’s going to happen next week, but I’m determined to prevent a government shutdown.”
What else we’re watching:
- Al Green censure: The House Freedom Caucus is pushing the speaker to hold a floor vote on its resolution that would strip Democratic Rep. Al Green of his Financial Services and Homeland Security Committee assignments after his outbursts during Trump’s joint address to Congress. The Freedom Caucus said in a post on X that “we expect” Johnson to bring it up next week, but he hasn’t made any commitments. Meanwhile, Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries called hard-liners “malignant clowns” for pushing the resolution.
- GOP on VA cuts: Republicans on Capitol Hill have largely stayed quiet on Trump and Musk’s cuts of federal programs, but they’re making an exception for cuts to the VA. That reached a crescendo this week as the Trump administration raised the possibility of large-scale dismissals of Veterans Affairs employees.
Meredith Lee Hill and Jordain Carney contributed to this report.
Congress
Democrats drop $5M into Kansas Senate race
Senate Democrats’ top super PAC is pushing into Kansas.
The Chuck Schumer-aligned Senate Majority PAC is launching a $5 million statewide television ad blitz starting Saturday through Election Day — the latest sign that Democrats believe the Senate map is shifting onto red turf.
SMP had signaled in recent days it could get involved in the race, telling Blue Light News late last month it was “actively thinking” about whether to wade into the state where Democrats haven’t won a Senate seat in nearly a century but where Adam Hamilton narrowly leads GOP Sen. Roger Marshall in recent polls. Internal SMP polling that found an increasingly competitive race factored into the group’s decision to spend. It will also run digital ads.
“The gap is closing in Kansas,” SMP spokesperson Lauren French said in a statement. “We are committed to ensuring families understand Marshall’s real record of making health care and basic goods more expensive for working Kansans.”
Republicans are scrambling to shore up Marshall. Senate Leadership Fund, a top GOP super PAC aligned with Republican leadership, has booked over $10 million in ads through Election Day in the state, per ad tracking firm AdImpact.
SMP’s first ad attacks Marshall for joining Senate Republicans in voting to table a Democratic-led amendment last year to release the Jeffrey Epstein files. The Senate later approved legislation to release the files by unanimous consent. It’s the latest in a slate of ads from Democrats hitting their Republican rivals over the late, disgraced financier and convicted sex offender. Marshall’s campaign did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
Senate Democrats’ plunge into the state comes as the midterm battle map is undergoing a major realignment. Georgia and North Carolina — primed to be two of the cycle’s premiere battlegrounds — are tilting left to the point where national Republicans are retracting spending in both states and Democrats are starting to follow suit, freeing funds on both sides to shift elsewhere.
Republicans are racing to reinforce incumbents across what was once safer red turf. SLF has also pledged $5 million to bolster Sen. Darline Graham in South Carolina.
Democrats, meanwhile, are starting to spend more in red states. SMP has dropped over $2 million on digital ads in Texas. Schumer, the Senate minority leader, has included Kansas and Mississippi in his pitches to donors.
Congress
House Democratic campaign arm says it needs $17 million, and fast
The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee is begging for resources, and setting a hard deadline for donors to give $17 million in order to compete in a handful of districts that Republicans carried easily in 2024.
DCCC Executive Director Julie Merz said the committee needs the cash influx by Oct. 22 in order to “to take advantage of the opportunities we have” outside of the core battlefield, according to a memo shared with donors on Friday and obtained by POLITICO.
If they don’t pony up, Merz warns, the party “could be leaving winnable races on the table.”
Democrats have been clear that they have a fundraising disadvantage this cycle, but they have so far been reluctant to place a specific dollar amount on their needs, making the DCCC’s memo Friday a particularly surprising outlier.
“Here’s the tough reality though: the Republican ecosystem has amassed a massive war chest that is significantly greater than ours and is spending it,” Merz says in the memo after arguing that the members of the committee “remain confident that we will win back the majority in 25 days.”
Specifically, Merz dedicates significant portions of the memo to four districts where the committee is desperate for more money in order to compete — all of which President Donald Trump won by double-digit margins in 2024:
— Florida’s 27th District (Trump +14.6)
— Nevada’s 2nd District (Trump +13.9)
— South Carolina’s 1st District (Trump +13)
— New York’s 21st District (Trump +20.7)
The fundraising disadvantage has created headaches for both House and Senate Democrats over where, exactly, to deploy the resources they do have.
The committee tells donors that their internal polling shows all of those races within reach, but that Republicans’ big cash advantages — especially in the Trump-aligned super PAC MAGA Inc. — will make it harder to win those and other reach seats.
Merz also name drops a handful of other deep-red districts that are “worthy of additional investment in this environment,” including seats held by GOP Reps. French Hill (R-Ark.) and Richard Hudson (R-N.C.), the chair of the Republican National Congressional Committee.
The NRCC was quick to mock the DCCC’s memo.
“No amount of money fixes candidates voters don’t want. These seats are staying red, and Republicans are on offense across the map,” NRCC spokesperson Mike Marinella said in a statement.
Congress
Capitol agenda: How Warren could link arms with Trump’s GOP
Sen. Elizabeth Warren may get her clearest shot yet to take on corporate America next year — thanks to the once unthinkable help of Republicans.
The Massachusetts Democrat is poised to chair Senate Banking if the party takes back the chamber. And while the progressive has long been a boogeyman to corporate America, lobbyists worry she’ll have powerful backup thanks to the surge of populist Republicans eager to take big swings at Wall Street and Big Tech.
One longtime financial industry lobbyist, granted anonymity to speak candidly, said Warren “has a streak that is not just wanting to be a progressive gadfly, but to actually reach across the aisle to push for policy ideas.” There is “absolutely” reason for concern, the person said.
Atop the panel, Warren would also have a strong position to shape the 2028 presidential debates on both sides.
“There’s very little doubt that the agenda of the Senate Banking Committee is going to overlap substantially with the core issues that the candidates in the 2028 election cycle are going to be grappling with,” said Dennis Kelleher, the outgoing leader of the progressive group Better Markets.
As Banking chair, Warren is expected to try to recruit Republicans in a crackdown on artificial intelligence — specifically restrictions on chip giant Nvidia’s exports to China, which already has some GOP support — and a follow-up of this year’s bipartisan housing law that sought to rein in private equity’s role in the market, according to people close to the senator.
Some of President Donald Trump’s own populist ideas, like credit card interest rate caps and limits on stock buybacks for defense contractors, would provide fertile ground for Warren.
But Trump would also likely be Warren’s biggest obstacle, as he’s been resistant to embrace policy overlaps with her. He’s also been resistant to any AI restrictions.
Warren’s approach also threatens to expose rifts between GOP populists who have been ascendent under Trump and more mainstream conservatives.
Asked about the possibility of a Chair Warren, Sen. Mike Rounds, a more moderate South Dakota Republican, said he doesn’t “think anything would get done except lots of investigations and lots of accusations.”
What else we’re watching:
— LAWMAKERS CLAMOR FOR GAO v. TRUMP — Lawmakers are desperate for a government watchdog to step up and help them in their fight against the Trump administration over control of federal cash. The independent Government Accountability Office concluded earlier this week that the White House illegally withheld more than $1 billion for education and health care research programs — the latest in more than a half-dozen such findings GAO has published since the start of Trump’s second term. But the agency has yet to use its unique power to take the president to court to challenge those “impoundments,” and lawmakers who are tired of the administration running roughshod over their funding prerogatives want GAO to act.
— MURPHY’S DEFENSE FUNDING ULTIMATUM — Democrats should not approve Pentagon funding or the annual defense policy bill if they control Congress next year unless those bills would hasten the end of the Iran war, Sen. Chris Murphy told reporters Thursday. “We should make the end of the war a priority,” said the Foreign Relations Democrat who was returning from a trip to Saudi Arabia and Qatar. Murphy also accused Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth and officials of attempting a “cover-up” of the war’s damage and obscuring its true cost after he was denied entry on a base in Qatar. Given the damage to bases in the region, Murphy also told reporters that the U.S. should “reconsider its footprint” in the Middle East.
Jasper Goodman, Jennifer Scholtes and Connor O’Brien contributed to this report.
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