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Brisport walks off the $$$ plank

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New York State Sen. Jabari Brisport once pledged to cut his salary down to the median income of Brooklyn, where his district is located.

WHAT A DIFFERENCE A FEW YEARS MAKE: When state Sen. Jabari Brisport ran for City Council in 2017, he promised that, if elected, he would forgo most of his government salary.

In social media posts, candidate questionnaires and even on his own campaign website, Brisport argued it isn’t reasonable for Council members to pull $148,000 annually when working class New Yorkers survive off far less. So he pledged in a Citizens Union questionnaire that he would cut his wage down to $47,000 — the median income in Brooklyn — and distribute the surplus to his staff so they’re “paid adequately.”

“I’m the only candidate not only talking the talk about income inequality and calling for higher taxes on the wealthy, but also walking the walk and pledging to slash my own salary to the median income of Brooklyn,” the democratic socialist said in an April 7, 2017 interview with Gothamist. “It’s a socialist plank.”

But Brisport — who’s facing a primary challenge this year — quietly walked off that plank once he actually got elected to public office.

After losing his 2017 Council race, Brisport switched gears and successfully ran for state Senate in 2020 — and he has never given up part of his legislative salary since taking office in January 2021, according to a Playbook review of payroll records.

In fact, Brisport even voted to increase pay for himself and other lawmakers in 2023, bumping the salary floor from $110,000 to $142,000, records show.

The 2023 raises made legislators in Albany the highest paid state lawmakers in the nation. Yet despite his 2017 campaign commitment, Brisport has drawn his full salary every year since being elected. As of fall 2025, he had in total raked in more than $607,000 in government salary — in addition to about $100,000 in taxpayer-funded travel stipends, records show.

When asked why he never stuck to his 2017 promises, Brisport suggested Thursday he had a change of heart upon launching his state Senate campaign in 2019.

“When I ran for state Senate I decided to focus on fighting for higher wages for working class people and making New York more affordable for everyone,” Brisport told Playbook.

Brisport, who represents a swath of Brooklyn that includes Bedford-Stuyvesant and Clinton Hill, faces a challenge in the June 23 Democratic primary from community activist Marlon Rice, who’s running on a more moderate platform than the incumbent.

Brisport is a close friend, political ally and former roommate of Mayor Zohran Mamdani.

Mamdani has yet to offer an endorsement for Brisport. But a person close to the mayor recently told Playbook he plans to roll out a slate of state-level endorsements in the coming weeks. Chris Sommerfeldt 

From the Capitol

New York lawmakers are advancing legislation to curb the governor’s outsized role in budget negotiations after this year’s prolonged process.

BUDGET REFORM’S LONG ODDS: This year’s budget was the tenth-tardiest in state history, leaving legislators disgruntled with the governor’s lopsided power over the process.

“Members are really tired,” said Assemblymember Anna Kelles, who’s sponsoring one of several proposed constitutional amendments seeking to reduce the governor’s powers. “It’s not just that people are angry. It’s been year after year, and it’s affected our ability to do our job.”

Still, as has been the case after contentious budget processes in years past, the odds remain long that lawmakers’ displeasure will turn into drastic changes anytime soon.

“Do I support a change in the budgetary powers? Yes, personally I do,” Assembly Speaker Carl Heastie said last month. “But you pass a constitutional amendment. Now this is the tough part: Now you’re in a campaign, the governor versus the Legislature. Who’s paying for that?”

If an amendment doesn’t receive first approval by next week, it’ll be too late to enact one that applies to any budget before the spending plan for the 2031 fiscal year.

Lawmakers could pass statutory changes later this year or in January, though. They’ve discussed treating the governor like they’re treated when budgets run late through withholding her paycheck until talks are done. But that would serve as a mostly symbolic move, at least under a governor with a seven-figure household income and a mansion subsidized by taxpayers. There are also technical changes backed by budget wonks such as moving the due date to July, but those wouldn’t necessarily address the power imbalance.

“My expectation is there are going to be at least informal conversations after we’re done with session, ahead of the budget process next year, about how this process can work more fairly,” state Sen. James Skoufis said. “But it’s one of those things that, after so many years of banging this drum, I’ll believe it when I see it.” — Bill Mahoney

‘THANK YOU, GOV’: Gov. Kathy Hochul didn’t give the immigration advocates everything they wanted, but they’re not raking her over the coals for it.

“I’ll say it 100 times: New York is not a sanctuary for criminals, and we will cooperate when crimes are being committed,” Hochul said today while hailing new measures in the state budget that push back against ICE’s aggressive enforcement tactics.

The new policies include a ban on ICE agents wearing masks, a measure to block them from entering sensitive locations like schools and churches without a judicial warrant and an end to official agreements between localities and federal law enforcement, which have allowed counties to lend their jails to ICE.

But the final budget deal does nothing to prohibit law enforcement from informally tipping off ICE when someone undocumented commits a crime, something that’s explicitly prohibited in the New York for All act that advocates have pushed for.

Still, groups like Make the Road New York and the New York Immigration Coalition are joining in on Hochul’s party.

“We commend the Governor and Legislature for passing this package, and for creating new meaningful protections for immigrant New Yorkers,” said New York Immigration Coalition President and CEO Murad Awawdeh.

“This is really meaningful to us,” Make the Road New York’s co-executive director Natalia Aristizabal said during the event. Jason Beeferman

FROM THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL

The Working Families Party withheld its endorsement from Rep. Adriano Espaillat over his record of AIPAC contributions.

WHY WFP DIDN’T ENDORSE: Rep. Adriano Espaillat’s record on Israel cost him an endorsement from the Working Families Party, according to two people familiar with the matter.

The people, granted anonymity to discuss internal party decisions, told Playbook that Espaillat’s refusal to support the Block the Bombs Act was a major problem for the party, which ultimately decided not to weigh in as he faces a challenge from democratic socialist Darializa Avila Chevalier in NY-13. The legislation would prohibit the sale of military equipment to Israel until the country guarantees compliance with international law.

Mamdani endorsed Chevalier on Thursday night, a move that has injected energy in a race that was previously viewed as an uphill climb for the democratic socialist. She has been fiercely critical of Israel and its war in Gaza since the start of the race, and has criticized the hundreds of thousands of dollars the incumbent Congress member has accepted from the American Israel Public Affairs Committee over the years.

“I think Espaillat missed the moment,” one of the people told Playbook. “There was a moment — there still is a moment — to evolve, and he didn’t. And now he has a real race.”

The second person said the Working Families Party did appreciate how Espaillat, the first formerly undocumented person elected to Congress, has led the charge on immigration from the House, but his inability to support the weapons sale bill caused concern among its members.

Meanwhile, Hochul took the opportunity today to praise Espaillat after Mamdani’s endorsement.

“I’m not commenting on why other people do what they do,” Hochul said. “I don’t think anyone has done a better job than Adriano Espaillat, and that’s important to know. This is not intended to set up a collision course of who’s endorsing who. I support long-standing allies … and the people that I believe in. Jason Beeferman

PAC IT UP: An independent expenditure committee backed by a prominent Albany-based lobbying firm is ready to spend big in a handful of legislative races.

New York Forward, the group backed by the firm Brown & Weinraub, is expected to spend “several hundred thousand dollars” in several races. That includes backing the state Senate bid of Assemblymember Grace Lee, who’s running for the seat being vacated by retiring Democrat Brian Kavanagh.

The group is also providing get-out-the-vote support for state Sen. Joe Addabbo and Assemblymembers Catalina Cruz, Andrew Hevesi and Jordan Wright.

“New York Forward was created to support candidates who do the hard, constructive work of governing,” said Evan Rantzaklis, who is leading the effort for Brown & Weinraub. “That means backing leaders who deliver for their districts, build coalitions, and take their responsibilities seriously. These first expenditures reflect exactly that mission.” Nick Reisman

THE DEBATE DEBATE: One of the city’s more under-the-radar primaries seems like it won’t be getting a debate.

The New York City chapter of the League of Women Voters said it’s canceling a planned face-off between Democratic Rep. Grace Meng and former diplomat Chuck Park, who’s running to the incumbent’s left. Kai Rosenthal, the chapter’s co-president, cited “many conflicts and short timing” for the cancellation.

Park is blaming Meng.

“Over the course of a month, we accepted all of Rep. Meng’s requests for new dates, a new venue, and a shorter time, but she was still unwilling to make it work,” he said in a statement. “If she’s ready to face the public, she can name a date and time, and I’ll be there.”

A spokesperson for Meng’s campaign pushed back, saying she “worked in good faith to make a debate happen.” In an email this morning responding to the cancellation, Meng campaign manager Harry Brussel wrote that the campaign is “truly sorry to hear that the debate won’t be possible” and asked to be kept apprised “if circumstances change.”

“It’s disappointing it didn’t come together,” Meng’s spokesperson continued in a statement to Playbook. “But this has been a long campaign and voters know full well what their choices are. They know Grace works hard and delivers and that Chuck complains about process.” Madison Fernandez

IN OTHER NEWS

RED LINE: A contentious NY-21 Republican primary between Robert Smullen and Anthony Constantino was on full display Thursday, where sharp debate exchanges ended with a snubbed handshake. (Times Union)

PRIME EXAMPLE: Court filings by Attorney General Letitia James and the Teamsters union in Amazon’s challenge to a New York labor law defended state action, citing yearslong delays and dysfunction by the federal labor board. (amNY)

ACT NOW, REVIEW LATER?: New York City’s child welfare agency is facing a class-action lawsuit from families alleging it removes children without prior court approvals. (The New Yorker)   

Missed this morning’s New York Playbook? We forgive you. Read it here.

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Gavin Newsom’s first 2028 test: This fall, in Nevada

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LAS VEGAS — If California Gov. Gavin Newsom runs for president in 2028, next-door Nevada will be a crucial test. This fall’s governor’s race is offering a preview.

As GOP Gov. Joe Lombardo runs for reelection, he’s trying to pin high Nevada fuel prices — a majority of which is imported from California — on “Gavin Newsom’s energy policies.” He lambasts California as too expensive and too regulated. And he’s hammering his Democratic opponent, Attorney General Aaron Ford, for accepting Newsom’s endorsement, betting that it will turn off Nevada swing voters.

“The contrast is simple: I’m fighting Gavin Newsom’s agenda and Aaron Ford is trying to import it into Nevada,” Lombardo said in a statement to Blue Light News.

This could be a test run for 2028, when Newsom may call upon Nevadans — one-fifth of whom were born in California — to deliver him a primary victory in the early-voting state, and possibly a presidential victory.

“They understand California costs more,” Donna West, chair of the Nevada Democratic Party’s senior caucus, said of Nevada’s California expats. “They also understand that California is the fourth-largest economy in the entire world, and that Gavin Newsom ran that as effectively as he possibly can.”

Newsom’s office declined to comment. A person close to the governor, granted anonymity to discuss the sentiment in his orbit, said they are “thrilled” Republicans are spending money to “plaster Newsom’s name across a key early state.”

“Republicans seem awfully concerned about an endorsement from someone who leads the 2028 Democratic field in Nevada by nearly 2-to-1,” the person said, pointing to a November 2025 Emerson poll of a hypothetical 2028 Democratic primary field.

Ford, for his part, shrugs off the attacks.

“Lombardo tries to cast blame elsewhere, but everyone knows that when the war started in February, that we saw our gas prices increase almost immediately,” Ford told Blue Light News after a recent town hall in Las Vegas. “People believe their own eyes, and they remember their experiences.”

The demonization of California is nothing new in Nevada politics: For years, Republicans have blasted their western neighbor as too expensive and too woke.

But the stakes are higher, and the connection more palpable, this year, as Newsom explores a presidential bid. He would likely need to perform very well in Nevada, now second on the Democratic calendar, to build early momentum toward the party nomination. And come November 2028, he’d need to fare well in Nevada again, this time among the state’s general electorate, a plurality of which are independents.

Newsom has stumped for Democrats across the country this cycle, and he blitzed through the South this week, including a swing through South Carolina, whose Democrats will vote first, right before Nevada, in 2028.

But Republicans are looking to weaponize Newsom’s Silver State swing in July, where Ford introduced him at a new Las Vegas field office as “the governor of the great state of California.”

“Our next president!” an audience member shouted, eliciting cheers.

The Lombardo-aligned Better Nevada PAC shared polling with Blue Light News in July showing Newsom’s favorability 20 points underwater in Nevada and losing a hypothetical 2028 head-to-head with Vice President JD Vance. Shortly thereafter, the PAC began an ad blitz tying Ford to the California governor.

Billboards touting Newsom’s endorsement of Ford, paid for by the PAC, now line highways across Nevada, and digital and streaming ads have run consistently since the visit. “Newsom and Ford: Shared vision. Shared values,” one ad says.

A person familiar with the PAC’s internal polling, granted anonymity to discuss private data, said it shows Newsom’s endorsement is now the second-most-known datapoint about the attorney general.

“Gavin Newsom is the singular most unpopular elected official in Nevada,” said Jeremy Hughes, a longtime Nevada GOP strategist running the Lombardo-aligned PAC. “Aaron Ford brought him into the state. … There’s no better way to help him out than to put up these signs and run ads, letting people know that he’s excited about being endorsed by Gavin Newsom.”

Republicans in the state have long blamed Californian expats for housing shortages and rising prices and connect their opponents to California liberals. A surge of ex-Californians leaving the state during the Covid-19 pandemic, some fleeing high taxes and cost of living, accelerated the trend.

Sam Brown, the GOP nominee for U.S. Senate in 2022, blasted the “energy policies of Gavin Newsom”; in 2018, GOP governor nominee Adam Laxalt lamented the “Californization” of Nevada, even as Californians bankrolled his campaign. During Lombardo’s first run for governor in 2022, he slammed incumbent Democratic Gov. Steve Sisolak for taking his cues from Newsom: “Don’t let Steve Sisolak turn Nevada into California,” one post said. Republicans tied their opponents to Nancy Pelosi for decades.

Lombardo’s argument this time around is more focused. He notes that the vast majority of Nevada’s gasoline comes from California, and argues that California’s efforts to cut carbon emissions have caused fuel prices to soar. A gallon of gas in Nevada costs nearly $5, according to AAA, one of the highest prices in the nation.

“The policies coming from Gavin Newsom and California Democrats … don’t stop at their state line,” Lombardo said in a statement. “Nevada and other states import a significant portion of our fuel from California, so when Governor Newsom shuts down refineries and imposes regulations that reduce supply and increase costs, Nevada families feel the consequences at the pump.”

It’s a strategy that allows Lombardo — running in a difficult national environment for incumbent Republicans — to acknowledge voters’ economic pain without blaming President Donald Trump or his own party. Indeed, Lombardo shared an April column in the Nevada Independent that placed blame at the feet of both Newsom and Trump. (Lombardo, in his post, blamed only Newsom.)

Democrats don’t think voters will buy it. ‘“As far as gas prices, it’s so obviously increased since the war,” Rep. Dina Titus said. “People in Nevada aren’t stupid.”

Ford has his own millstone to saddle Lombardo with: the president. At a recent town hall in Las Vegas, he repeatedly blasted the “Lombardo-Trump economy” that is “making everything too expensive.”

“Voters absolutely tie the handling of the economy to Trump,” said Mike Noble, an independent Phoenix-based pollster who works in Nevada regularly. “Instead of blaming Trump, why not tie it to the boogeyman next door and blame California?”

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‘We are winning elections’: Bernie Sanders on Democrats’ progressive wing

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‘We are winning elections’: Bernie Sanders on Democrats’ progressive wing

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Trump wants the Postal Service to radically overhaul mail voting. But ballots are already going out.

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President Donald Trump’s controversial demands for the Postal Service to overhaul and monitor millions of mail ballots hit another snag on Friday, when North Carolina became the first state in the nation to start sending out ballots for the November election.

In March, Trump signed the initial executive order, which aimed to crack down on mail-in voting — which he regularly alleges without evidence is a vector for widespread voter fraud — and assert an unprecedented amount of federal control over the upcoming elections.

Under this order and the subsequent rule drafted by the U.S. Postal Service, the USPS would refuse to deliver ballots to states that failed to provide lists of eligible mail voters or did not adhere to an approved envelope design style.

Since then, the order has faced legal challenges, and it remains paused by a federal judge’s orders. But the Trump administration has asked the Supreme Court to allow the new rule to proceed — something current and former election officials from both parties say would be both a legal nightmare that oversteps the federal government’s traditional role in elections and a logistical one that is happening far too close to the November election to implement even if they agreed with it.

“Why the hell are you rocking the boat this late in the game?” said Stephen Richer, a former Republican recorder of Maricopa County, Arizona, who has clashed with Trump allies for defending the security of the 2020 election.

Still, election officials are trying to project a sense of normalcy for voters, particularly in North Carolina, which serves as a test of whether established local election systems can operate normally amid intensifying federal scrutiny.

“I want to emphasize this point because there has been a lot of outside noise: Our county workers are ready,” Sam Hayes, a longtime Republican lawyer in the state and now executive director of the North Carolina State Board of Elections, said in a Thursday afternoon press conference.

He added, “All we can do is what we’re doing. … It is business as usual as far as I’m concerned.”

Despite the legal challenges, the Trump administration has continued to press the courts to let it proceed. The Trump administration asked the Supreme Court on Thursday to lift an order from a Massachusetts judge which temporarily prevents the USPS from enforcing their rule. It is the second time the Trump administration has asked the Supreme Court to step in, after winning an earlier victory in which the high court dismissed an earlier hold on the rule as premature.

“The uncertainty is coming from a single activist judge who continues to try and obstruct President Trump from implementing commonsense measures to protect the security of mail-in ballots and ensure only Americans vote in American elections,” White House spokesperson Lauren Bis said in a statement. “These safeguards for mail ballots were proposed months ago giving election officials ample time to prepare for the 2026 election.”

The USPS did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

Election officials said that if the rule goes into effect this close to November, it would cause chaos and place added strain on the USPS and election officials. And an anonymous federal whistleblower said in a report circulated earlier this week by Sen. Richard Blumenthal (D-Conn.) that the USPS was moving forward in a “secretive, rushed, chaotic, and fundamentally flawed process” to try to implement the new system ahead of the midterms.

In the coming weeks, states across the country will follow North Carolina’s lead. Nine other states will begin mailing ballots in the next two weeks, according to a tracker from the National Conference of State Legislatures — with the biggest day for mailing coming 45 days before the election in mid-September.

“It would be so outrageous to try to let this go into effect. It’s hard to even imagine,” said Ben Hovland, a senior fellow for democracy at the progressive think tank Center for American Progress and former Democratic commissioner with the Election Assistance Commission who was fired by Trump in July.

He added, “It would be a break-glass moment for our democracy.”

The rule would require meticulous changes to ballot handling and tracking practices that Hovland said are impossible to implement before Election Day in about two months, effectively disenfranchising millions of voters.

“Ballots are printed. Envelopes are printed. You can go on and on with all the practical reasons that show that implementing something like this at this time is not feasible,” he said.

Richer said he doubted the new rules would bring about more security. Even if the USPS received lists from the states, according to the postal service’s final rule, it would not do any additional vetting of the list, Richer said.

“It’s just that the mail ballots have to be on that list, and I don’t see what added value for election integrity that does,” he said.

He added, “It creates a lot of administrative burden, and I think it creates a lot more opportunity for error.”

While a decision looms in the courts, election officials and experts cast doubt on the likelihood of the rules going into effect before November. A more pressing issue, they said, is the confusion and uncertainty surrounding mail-in ballots, which could subvert and change the behaviors of voters.

“It makes things seem messy or difficult, and it can dissuade people from participating or coming out to vote,” Hovland said. “It certainly also helps establish a pretext to make bad faith claims about election results.”

Hovland said that while none of these claims of voter fraud are backed up with facts, they could cause Americans to lose faith in the voting process.

Still, some current officials contended they were well-prepared for whatever happens — and that they’d be able to communicate effectively with voters who have become increasingly buffeted by dramatic rhetoric about the once-unmentioned nuts and bolts of actually running an election.

“There’s always a lot of noise around elections, that’s not going to change, and it can be hard to differentiate that from what’s actually going on on the ground,” said Jason Tyson, director of external affairs for the North Carolina State Board of Elections.

As Election Day approaches, Tyson and election officials said they urge voters to check their registration status and make a plan to vote.

He added, “I think we’ve got a really well-trained, solid staff who are ready, and who have gone through all of the checks and balances and points of contact that we need to do to get to where we are.”

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