Politics
Andy Beshear introduces himself to South Carolina, with an eye toward 2028
PAWLEYS ISLAND, South Carolina — Retired teacher Barbara O’Brien had to Google Andy Beshear before attending a meet-and-greet with the Kentucky governor Thursday night. But she came anyway because, she concluded, “I need some hope.”
Democrats’ ongoing desperation — seven months after Donald Trump’s victory cast them into the political wilderness — is packing rooms for even a little-known governor from a red state more than two years before any primary votes will be cast.
For Beshear, a popular governor in Kentucky who barely registers in national polling, it’s an opening to introduce himself to the party faithful — even if some used ChatGPT to find out he’s interested in running for president, as Columbia City Council Member Tina Herbert did. State Rep. Jason Luck said he knew Beshear was from Kentucky, is a Democrat, “and that’s about it.”
Throughout his first swing in an early presidential state, Beshear opened with, “If you don’t know me … I’m the guy who beat Donald Trump’s hand-picked candidate by five points in 2023.” During his two-day visit, that line drew cheers every time.
A leadership vacuum at the highest levels of the party has already set up what could be a wildly crowded presidential race, as potential Democratic candidates overtly prepare for national campaigns and frankly acknowledge their interest in what will be a wide-open contest. During the 2020 primary, the lack of name recognition — and the accompanying in-state network of supporters — posed an existential challenge for many of the nearly 30 Democrats who mounted bids to unseat Trump.
Now, Beshear has company in trying to get a head start.
California Gov. Gavin Newsom headlined a multi-day tour through rural counties here earlier this month, with attendees forming long selfie lines for face time after his events. California Rep. Ro Khanna held town halls and visited churches this weekend. Govs. Wes Moore of Maryland and Tim Walz of Minnesota did their own relationship-building in May, when they both appeared at the South Carolina Democratic Party’s convention.
And in other early voting states, Illinois Gov. JB Pritzker railed against “simpering timidity” in his own party before New Hampshire Democrats this spring, while former Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg popped up at a veterans-focused forum in Iowa and has appeared on marathon-length podcasts.
The visits come as Democrats, locked out of power in Washington, are looking to the 2026 midterms as their first shot at winning back the voters they hemorrhaged last year. Party leaders are banking on Trump’s tax-and-spend law, particularly its deep cuts to Medicaid and food assistance programs, as core to their midterm messaging strategy. The campaigning from 2028 candidates also previews Democrats’ options for the party’s brand moving forward.
“We have an identity crisis and we don’t have a voice leading the party,” said South Carolina state Rep. Hamilton Grant, who met Beshear in Columbia, S.C., Wednesday afternoon. “For everybody who’s not from South Carolina, visits South Carolina, wants to be president … it’s a jump ball.”
South Carolina gained its first-place perch in the presidential nominating calendar in 2024, but it’s not clear whether that will change ahead of 2028. The Democratic National Committee will review the early state process ahead of the primary.
Beshear is beginning to build his national operation. He’s popping up at major donor conferences and recording a podcast. Former Kamala Harris campaign spokesperson Lauren Hitt is consulting for him, and he hired a new set of fundraisers this spring. On Thursday morning, Beshear met privately with state legislative leaders, taking questions one-on-one and soliciting advice, according to two members who attended the South Carolina confab.
But he starts off lesser known than Newsom or Buttigieg, both of whom have built national followings as they consider 2028 runs. Early national polling puts Harris, Buttigieg and Newsom at double-digit support already, while Beshear garners about 2 percent.
Luck, the state legislator, said Beshear “lacks the star power,” of Newsom, “but he’s actually the guy who could do the job” of winning in a red state.
“Nobody knew who the governor of Arkansas was either, but it’s certainly a more challenging media environment now,” Michael Morley, who managed then-Rep. Tim Ryan’s 2020 presidential primary campaign, said in reference to Bill Clinton. “He has time to introduce himself, and my informed assumption is that’s part of what he’s doing here.”
At the state’s AFL-CIO convention and Georgetown County Democrats’ fundraising dinner, Beshear previewed his potential 2028 pitch: He said Democrats need to talk “like normal human beings,” trading “abuse disorder” for “addiction.” He urged them to eschew policy bullet points in favor of relating to voters’ everyday lives. And he argued he won deep-red Kentucky because voters know the “why behind what I do, and because they know about that, even when I do something that they may disagree with, they know I’m coming from the right place.”
“Democrats have a huge opportunity to seize the middle and win back voters who have been increasingly skeptical of our Democratic brand,” Beshear told the county Democrats. “But it’s going to take focus, and it’s going to take discipline. We have to talk to people and not at them.”
He laced his remarks with Scripture to explain why he vetoed “every single piece of anti-LGBTQ+ legislation” pushed by his GOP-controlled legislature. He argued it doesn’t have to be an “either or” for Democrats.
“We can stick up for everything we believe in while still convincing the American people that we are going to spend every single day working on those things that lift everybody up,” Beshear said in Charleston at a reception Thursday morning.
Skeptics of Beshear’s argument, however, argue the GOP-controlled legislature still overrode his veto and enacted bans on gender-affirming care for transgender children.
Even so, South Carolina Democrats said his Christianity may help him in a state where churches, especially African Methodist Episcopal churches, are still a vital part of the Democratic Party primary. Herbert, the Columbia city council member who didn’t know much about Beshear, said she liked how he grounded his pitch in “his faith and his values,” adding that she’ll “probably” donate to his campaign now.
The Southern governor may also gain some home field advantage, said Christale Spain, the chair of the South Carolina Democratic Party, “being able to communicate the way we do, very plain-spoken,” she said. “I think that’s going to benefit him down the line.”
President Donald Trump made major gains among Latino voters in 2024. Now, those same voters might cost Republicans control of Congress.
Fifty-nine percent of Latino registered voters prefer a Democratic-controlled Congress, compared with 35% who favor Republican control, according to a new NBC News/Telemundo poll released Sunday. That 24-point gap for Democrats is twice the party’s lead compared to the September 2024 version of the poll.
A separate CBS News/YouGov poll released Sunday also found Democrats ahead among Hispanic likely voters, with 60% backing a Democratic House candidate and 39% supporting a Republican.
The findings threaten gains the GOP made in 2024, when Trump narrowed Democrats’ long-standing advantage among Latino voters. A POLITICO analysis of that year’s election results found that Trump improved his vote share by an average of more than 6 percentage points in majority-Hispanic counties, compared with 2020.
With the midterms approaching, Republicans have made those gains central to their push to maintain control of the House. When Texas Republicans revealed their redistricting proposal last year, four of the five potential GOP pickup opportunities were in majority-Hispanic districts.
Meanwhile, Trump’s overall approval rating among Latino registered voters stands at just 27% in the NBC/Telemundo poll, while 69% disapprove. On the economy specifically, 74% of Latino voters disapprove of Trump’s handling, while 78% disapprove of how he’s dealt with cost-of-living concerns.
Nearly two-thirds, 65%, say Trump’s policies have hurt economic conditions. Inflation and cost of living rank as the most important issues facing the country for 33% of respondents, followed by government corruption at 22%. Another 10% named jobs and the economy.
Economic frustration helped drive Latino voters toward Trump in 2024, with Democrats across the country suggesting in the aftermath of his victory that he was better able to connect with the voting bloc on financial issues.
But now, Latino voters seem to favor Democrats over Republicans on the economy, 48% to 27%, and the cost of living, 45% compared to 26%.
The war with Iran, now in its seventh month, is also weighing on voters’ perceptions of energy costs. In September, the average price of diesel hit a record $6.53, according to AAA.
In the CBS survey, 91% of Hispanic registered voters attributed rising U.S. oil and gas prices to the conflict.
Trump’s immigration crackdown is also putting vulnerable Republicans on the defensive. Rep. María Elvira Salazar (R-Fla.) released an ad in English and Spanish criticizing the administration for going “too far” on immigration and saying Hispanics who backed Trump in 2024 feel “betrayed.”
In the days immediately following her ad, Trump told reporters that he still supported Salazar. “I’m very strong on the borders — and she isn’t,” Trump said. But the president later reposted a flurry of social media messages criticizing Salazar on Truth Social, including one calling for the Florida Republican’s replacement ahead of the midterms.
In the NBC/Telemundo poll, 67% of Latino voters say Trump’s immigration enforcement has gone too far, compared with 22% who say he has taken the right approach.
The White House did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
Dissatisfaction with Trump and Republicans has not translated into broadly positive views of Democrats. According to the NBC poll, Latino voters remain nearly evenly divided on the Democratic Party, with 41% viewing it positively and 42% negatively. Negative views of the GOP, meanwhile, have climbed to 62%, up from 46% in September 2024.
The NBC/Telemundo survey of 800 Latino registered voters was conducted Sept. 21-28 and has a margin of error of ±3.46%. The CBS/YouGov survey of 2,166 adults was conducted Sept. 30-Oct. 2, with a margin of error of ±2.5 points.
CONCORD, New Hampshire— Pete Buttigieg is barnstorming the nation in the final weeks before the midterms, boosting candidates in battlegrounds and even areas traditionally hostile to Democrats. And it’s helping him look beyond November.
Down the homestretch, Buttigieg is set to campaign in at least six states: North Carolina, Virginia, New Jersey, Georgia and Nevada, along with his adopted home state of Michigan, according to an itinerary shared first with Playbook by a spokesperson for Win the Era, his political group.
Buttigieg has been refining his campaign trail message as he crisscrosses the country, connecting concrete cost-of-living concerns to the more abstract need for political reform.
It’s a kind of real-world testing that helps him further define his political brand at the same time that he leverages it to “be useful,” as he so often puts it, to his party.
“I have a lot of conviction that, actually, your economic message only has credibility if you have a reform message, too,” Buttigieg said in an interview after a Rochester Opera House rally where he received a standing ovation. “Because otherwise, what you’re doing is you’re saying things that people agree with, which is great, but they might not believe that you can actually deliver it.”
He’s also building the kinds of relationships with voters and party leaders that can be useful if he runs for president in 2028, a question he was repeatedly asked. (“We’ll see,” he told one woman at the Deerfield Fair.)
“For Pete, it’s less about getting credit nationally for what he’s done for Democrats and more about building relationships in places that will be beneficial down the line,” said David Axelrod, a Buttigieg confidant.
Buttigieg’s status as an in-demand surrogate was on full display during his 48-hour swing through the Granite State, where he finished “a very, very, very close second place” to Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) in the 2020 primary, as Buttigieg put it in Saturday evening remarks at the New Hampshire Democratic Party’s Eleanor Roosevelt Dinner in Concord.
“I couldn’t ask for a better wingman,” Rep. Chris Pappas said, introducing Buttigieg at the packed rally Friday in Rochester. “People know that he’s a trusted voice,” Stefany Shaheen, who is running for Pappas’ seat, told Blue Light News after campaigning at a book store, cafe and candy shop with Buttigieg along Elm Street in Manchester.
How Buttigieg is learning from the midterms
Buttigieg has neither a battleground governorship nor a personal fortune to wire into midterm races. What he has put on offer is himself: He’s made more than 100 endorsements this cycle, campaigning in person for roughly half of them, and stops in 37 states since he left the Transportation Department.
Buttigieg was welcomed in places where candidates shunned some of his potential rivals. He campaigned with Rob Sand and Josh Turek in Iowa as they run for governor and senator, respectively. He backed Brandon Dukes in his special election effort to flip a Pennsylvania state House seat that Trump won by 18 points. He was alone among his peers in endorsing Hartford Mayor Luke Bronin in his victory over longtime Rep. John Larson in Connecticut.
“If I can help give voice to what people are after in diverse geographies, including very conservative areas,” he said, “turns out that’s my best use of time.”
Buttigieg admitted he wasn’t certain what role he would play in the party’s midterms at the start of President Donald Trump’s second term. Now he’s processing all of the data and inputs he’s receiving along his travels.
“I’m learning a lot about our country and our party as I go, and what I’m seeing is that people have a real hunger for change,” he told Blue Light News. “First of all, in policy. Secondly, in the kind of politics that we have, and third, in the system itself.”
That’s developed into a core argument in his speeches connecting the cost of living to political reform: “If we want the kitchen table to be better off, we got to deal with the political system that is kicking the legs out from under the kitchen table,” Buttigieg said at the Rochester Opera House Friday evening.
It’s a message that can last long beyond the midterms, and Buttigieg is trying to point his party there.
“Part of what I’m really trying to push my party on is the need to have answers for ‘then what,’” he said. “There’s a big ‘then what’ for when Donald Trump leaves the political scene, but there’s an immediate ‘then what’ starting on Nov. 4.”
A Democratic Congress, he argued, needs “a compelling governing vision coming out of the gate” and should move quickly on tariffs, the minimum wage, tax fairness, health care, the Child Tax Credit and political reforms including gerrymandering.
The 2028 question
Even as he sidestepped several questions from reporters about his next moves, saying he was focused on 2026, remnants of his 2020 campaign and hints of a future one piled up. People wore “Pete for New Hampshire” buttons and T-shirts. His old playlist, including Creedence Clearwater Revival’s “Up Around the Bend,” played at the Friday night rally.
At the Roosevelt dinner the next night, in front of a sold-out crowd of over 400, Buttigieg earned a standing ovation that ended in “Pete, Pete, Pete” chants.
“Pete had a great New Hampshire organization in 2020, nearly winning,” Ray Buckley, the chair of the New Hampshire Democratic Party, told Blue Light News. “If anything, his popularity here has grown.”
Much has changed since then.
On Saturday evening, instead of walking out to Panic! At the Disco’s “High Hopes,” his ubiquitous anthem back then, or even Imagine Dragons’ “It’s Time,” which he road-tested last year, Buttigieg employed “You Get What You Give” by the New Radicals.
There have been deeper changes, too: Buttigieg is now the father of 5-year-old twins, Gus and Penelope. He is weighing whether he can run for president and remain a good and present father.
His husband, Chasten, is a “great dad” and “knows why I’m on the road.”
Back on the road, Buttigieg is winning over those who didn’t back him in 2020.
At the back of the room in Rochester on Friday night, the town’s Mayor Chuck Grassie wore a “Pete for New Hampshire” button as he took in the scene. Grassie, who backed Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren in 2020 and considers himself a “pragmatic progressive,” said Buttigieg could knit together the party’s moderate and progressive factions.
“He’s a guy I think would attract a lot of people,” Grassie said. “And a lot of people I talk to are saying, ‘You know, he’s looking better and better every day.’”
Added Grassie: “In New Hampshire, I think Pete may be the guy to beat.”
Sen. Ted Cruz fired back at JD Vance for suggesting he’s already focused on a 2028 presidential bid, calling the vice president “insecure” while insisting he’s focused on the 2026 midterms.
“In my experience, people engage in political bomb-throwing when they’re feeling insecure,” Cruz said in a phone interview Saturday. “So he’s welcome to make whatever comments he likes. I’m going to keep focusing on the midterms and helping us win on Election Day in the next 30 days.”
Cruz’s comments came in response to an NBC News interview Thursday with Vance in which the vice president suggested Cruz was prematurely eyeing a White House run.
“It is really obvious to me that, at this very moment, Ted Cruz is running for president,” Vance said. “At this moment, I’m not. I’m trying to help elect Republicans. That’s what I’m going to keep on doing.”
Vance is widely viewed as the frontrunner for the Republican presidential nomination, but Cruz has said he doesn’t believe Vance is the sure-fire nominee and suggested he might throw his own hat in the ring. “I’ll certainly be part of the discussion,” he told MS NOW in August.
On Saturday, Cruz told Blue Light News he is dedicated to helping Republicans maintain control of both chambers of Congress. He pointed to his travel this cycle to campaign with candidates in Georgia, Iowa, Nebraska, South Carolina as well as in his home state of Texas as proof. He also said he has trips planned this month to campaign with Republicans in Alaska, Florida, North Carolina and South Carolina.
“Over the last 10 years, there’s no Republican in the country who has campaigned for more Senate candidates, more House candidates, more gubernatorial candidates than I have, and this year will be no exception,” he said.
Cruz rattled off a list of a dozen GOP candidates he’s helped bolster in past years, including former Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin, Sen. Thom Tillis of North Carolina, U.S. House candidate Karoline Leavitt — and the vice president.
“Indeed, ironically, I spent a full day on the road with JD Vance, campaigning with him when he was running for Senate in Ohio [in 2022],” Cruz said. “I was very glad he won that race. I was very glad to help him.”
A spokesperson for Vance did not immediately respond to Cruz’s latest comments.
Vance campaigned in Texas and Florida this week and will hold a rally in Alaska on Monday.
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