The Dictatorship
Americans can no longer trust federal statistics
In Donald Trump’s first term, he infamously used a black Sharpie to alter a hurricane forecast to support his claim that Alabama would be affected by the storm. It was not.
In his second term, he’s taking a black Sharpie to reality itself.
No longer held back by responsible advisers or members of Congress with any backbone, Trump has begun a war on any facts or data that don’t serve him, from economic statistics that make him look bad to crime data that doesn’t support his demand for power.
Once the gold standard of data, the U.S. government risks becoming as believable as Trump’s press secretary breathlessly praising his greatness.
This will hurt all of us, from doctors trying to keep people healthy to police seeking to keep them safe to business leaders looking to make tough decisions.
Trump’s impulse to bend reality is born out of his sense of having to be right all the time.
Trump’s impulse to bend reality is often surreal and born out of his sense of having to be right all the time.
Statistics are supposed to be neutral. A weather forecast does not care about politics. Neither does unemployment data, inflation or public health statistics. But Trump’s Sharpie was a preview of something more dangerous: the impulse to bend not just the story of events, but the very measurements by which we understand them.
We are now heading into the fall of 2025 with a strange sensation: The numbers we once relied on no longer hold.
When D.C.’s crime numbers don’t justify a federal takeover? Ignore them.
When a weak jobs report spoils the narrative? Fire the Bureau of Labor Statistics commissioner.
When the census counts undocumented immigrants? Exclude them.
Trump has discovered a simple trick: If he doesn’t like the number, he changes it. He wants to “Sharpie” not just storms, but data about jobs, the economy and health. If he wants favorable ratings, he’ll choose pollsters who will deliver the answer he’s looking for. The number may look correct, but the methodology behind it is rigged.
Of course, that’s not how it works. Reality doesn’t bend to satisfy a wannabe tyrant’s ego. A poll stacked with supporters doesn’t reflect real public opinion, and unemployed workers don’t just disappear because you fudged the data.
Data is the lifeblood of the federal government.
For generations, federal statistics have been the compass by which Americans navigated storms, both literal and political. Data is the lifeblood of the federal government. The Bureau of Labor Statistics tells us whether the economy is growing or shrinking. The Census Bureau counts the population that determines political power and federal funding. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention tracks outbreaks and mortality rates, while the Environmental Protection Agency measures the pollutants in the air we breathe and the water we drink.
If we cannot trust Washington’s numbers, someone else will have to step up.
States are well positioned to know how many jobs were created within their borders, how many hospital beds are filled, where disease is spreading, whether classrooms are shrinking or swelling. Industries, too, have their own ways of measuring economic health. Taken together, these decentralized snapshots can give us a more accurate picture than doctored federal releases.
The private sector can play a role, too. Major technology firms already track mobility, consumption and health trends at a level of detail governments rarely match. Hospitals, insurers and research institutions keep vast data troves on public health. Banks and businesses can track employment and economic activity in real time. If Washington insists on erasing the record, it may fall to these actors to provide the country with a clearer picture of itself.
It may fall to governors, universities, nonprofits and private firms to provide the public square with reliable information until the federal government can once again be trusted.
Nonprofits and media organizations can assemble and share this information in ways the public can trust. A distributed model of truth is not ideal, but in moments of crisis it can be the only safeguard against federal manipulation.
It won’t be perfect. Federal agencies exist to give us a national perspective — to add up the parts and show us the whole. A jobs report does not tell us whether California or Ohio is thriving, but whether America is growing. A census does not describe one community, but the composition of the country itself. If America cannot agree on the numbers, we cannot agree on the problems, let alone the solutions.
The larger question is whether Americans are willing to demand this vigilance. Data is not glamorous, but it is an important foundation of democracy. If the public shrugs at manipulated numbers, then the lies calcify into the official record. If we push back, then Trump’s Sharpie loses its power.
The storm ahead will not just be political. It will be about who we trust to count, to measure, to tally our collective life. If the federal government abdicates that role, others must step in until it can be restored.
Because without reliable numbers, we cannot even begin the work of understanding our problems, let alone solving them.
For more thought-provoking insights from Michael Steele, Alicia Menendez and Symone Sanders-Townsend, watch “The Weeknight” every Monday-Friday at 7 p.m. ET on BLN.

Michael Steele is a co-host of “The Weeknight,” which airs Monday through Friday at 7 p.m. ET on BLN. He is a former lieutenant governor of Maryland and a former chairman of the Republican National Committee.
The Dictatorship
‘I don’t care about that’: Trump moves the goal posts on Iran’s uranium stockpile
More than a month into the war in Iran, there’s still great uncertainty about why the United States launched this military offensive in the first place. There’s reason to believe, however, that the conflict has something to do with Iran’s nuclear program.
At an unrelated White House event on Tuesday, for example, Donald Trump said“I had one goal: They will have no nuclear weapon, and that goal has been attained.”
It was a curious comment, in part because by the president’s own assessmentIran didn’t have a nuclear weapon before he decided to launch the war, and in part because Secretary of State Marco Rubio this week presented the administration’s four major objectives in the conflict, none of which had anything to do with Iran’s nuclear program.
As for whether Trump’s newly manufactured “goal” has actually been “attained,” The New York Times reported“Unless something changes over the next two weeks — the target Mr. Trump set to begin withdrawing from the conflict — he will have left the Iranians with 970 pounds of highly enriched uranium, enough for 10 to a dozen bombs. The country will retain control over an even larger inventory of medium-enriched uranium that, with further enrichment, could be turned into bomb fuel, if the Iranians can rebuild that capacity after a month of steady bombing.”
The American president has acknowledged that these details are true, though he apparently no longer cares. Ahead of an Oval Office address to the nation about the war in Iran, the Republican spoke to Reuters about his perspective:
Of the enriched uranium, Trump said: ‘That’s so far underground, I don’t care about that.’
‘We’ll always be watching it by satellite,’ he added. He said Iran was ‘incapable’ of developing a weapon now.
The president’s comments definitely have a practical element: It’s been an open question for weeks as to whether Trump intends to try to seize Iran’s uranium stockpile, which would require ground troops and be profoundly dangerous for U.S. military service members.
If Trump told Reuters the truth and is prepared to let Iran keep the uranium it already has because he no longer “cares about that,” it would drastically reduce the likelihood of a ground invasion — one that would almost certainly cost lives.
But there’s another element to this worth keeping in mind as the process moves forward: Ever since the Obama administration struck the original nuclear agreement with Iran in 2015, Trump has insisted that it was wrong to allow the country to hold onto nuclear materials that might someday be used in a nuclear weapon.
A decade later, he’s suddenly indifferent to Iran’s uranium stockpile — which has only grown larger since Trump abandoned the Obama-era policy.
Trump’s goalposts, in other words, are on the move.
Indeed, if the American president’s comments reflect his true perspective (and with this guy, one never really knows), we’re due for a serious public conversation about the motives and objectives for the war. Because as things stand, before the war, Iran had a regime run by radical religious clerics and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard; the country had a significant uranium stockpile; and the Strait of Hormuz was open.
And now, Trump’s apparent vision for a successful offensive will include Iran with a regime run by radical religious clerics and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard; the country still holding a significant uranium stockpile; and the Strait of Hormuz will be open.
Mission accomplished, I guess?
Steve Benen is a producer for “The Rachel Maddow Show,” the editor of MaddowBlog and an MS NOW political contributor. He’s also the bestselling author of “Ministry of Truth: Democracy, Reality, and the Republicans’ War on the Recent Past.”
The Dictatorship
Mike Johnson caves to the Senate, paving the way for likely DHS shutdown deal
Just days after labeling the Senate deal to end the record-breaking shutdown at the Department of Homeland Security a “crap sandwich,” Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., now appears ready to swallow it whole.
Johnson and Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., announced Wednesday they will move forward with the two-track approach senators unanimously backed last Friday. They will pass a bill to fund most of DHS — with the exception of Immigration and Customs Enforcement and parts of Customs and Border Patrol — and then look to approve money for ICE and CBP in a separate reconciliation package.
“In following this two-track approach, the Republican Congress will fully reopen the Department, make sure all federal workers are paid, and specifically fund immigration enforcement and border security for the next three years so that those law-enforcement activities can continue uninhibited,” Johnson and Thune said in a joint statement.

The announcement amounts to a stunning reversal for Johnson, who was facing pressure from conservatives to oppose the Senate deal. Their objections centered on the lack of money for ICE, as well as the Senate’s failure to include new voter ID restrictions, championed by President Donald Trump, with the so-called SAVE America Act.
Instead, Johnson on Friday forced a House vote on an alternative measure to fund all of DHS for eight weeks. While it passed almost entirely along party linesthe stopgap measure stood no chance in the Senate, where Democrats have repeatedly rejected a similar proposal in recent weeks.
Lawmakers were back to square one.
But it turns out, all they needed was a little push from Trump.
Less than three hours before Johnson and Thune’s announcement, Trump urged Republicans — in a lengthy statement on Truth Social — to pass funding for ICE and border patrol through budget reconciliation. While that approach allows GOP lawmakers to bypass Democratic opposition, it requires near-unanimous GOP support.
Trump said he wants the legislation on his desk by June 1 — an ambitious timeline that dramatically increased pressure on Republicans.
“We are going to work as fast, and as focused, as possible to replenish funding for our Border and ICE Agents, and the Radical Left Democrats won’t be able to stop us,” Trump wrote on Truth Social. “We will not allow them to hurt the families of these Great Patriots by defunding them. I am asking that the Bill be on my desk NO LATER than June 1st.”

With Johnson suddenly on board, lawmakers appear poised to end the DHS shutdown just as soon as the House can reconvene. It’s unclear exactly when that might happen. The House isn’t due back until April 14. But Johnson could always call lawmakers back sooner — or look to pass the Senate bill while both chambers are out on recess through a special process.
Because the House never technically sent its 60-day continuing resolution to the Senate, the House could just recede from its amendment of the Senate-passed bill and immediately send the legislation to the president.
Either way, barring another sudden shift from Trump or House leadership, the longest government shutdown in U.S. history may soon be over — and Democrats are already taking a victory lap.
“Throughout this fight, Senate Democrats never wavered,” Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer said in a statement. “We were clear from the start: fund critical security, protect Americans, and no blank check for reckless ICE and Border Patrol enforcement.”
“We were united, held the line, and refused to let Republican chaos win,” Schumer added.
Kevin Frey is a congressional reporter for MS NOW.
Mychael Schnell is a reporter for MS NOW.
The Dictatorship
Former White House official: Trump’s Supreme Court attendance could be ‘perceived as intimidation’
President Donald Trump became the first sitting American president to attend oral arguments at the Supreme Court on Wednesday morning when he sat in the audience to hear his administration argue to limit birthright citizenship guarantees for the children of undocumented immigrants and temporary U.S. residents.
Before arguments began, Trump entered the courtroom wearing his usual red tie and sat in the front row of the public seating area. Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick and Attorney General Pam Bondi were also in the room.
None of the justices acknowledged Trump’s presence while he was in the courtroom.
As the justices began to question U.S. Solicitor General John Sauer, who was arguing on behalf of the administration, Trump remained focused and wore a blank expression.
After Sauer finished his arguments, Trump remained in the courtroom for a few minutes. He got up and quietly left, flanked by Secret Service agents, shortly after Cecillia Wang began her arguments for the ACLU.

Trump’s presence at the court is significant. A sitting president of the United States has never attended oral arguments at the high court before, which is widely considered a sign of respect for the balance of power between the federal government and the judiciary.
Two senior White House officials who requested anonymity to speak about the president’s internal strategy told MS NOW that Trump wanted to listen to the oral argument because “it’s an important case.” The outcome of the case will have sweeping legal implications for Trump’s sprawling immigration enforcement agenda.
“Behind closed doors there’s a realization of the tremendous legal wall this is to climb,” a former White House official familiar with Trump’s thinking who spoke on the condition of anonymity told MS NOW.
“I’m not sure of the calculation from him to go today. It will be perceived as intimidation, and some justices won’t like that,” the former official said.
Trump has shown scorn for the justices for their ruling on his aggressive tariff policy. Earlier this year, Trump said the justices who ruled against the policy were an “an embarrassment to their families.” The president has railed against the justices, including the ones he appointed in his first term, for striking down his sprawling trade agenda.
Trump has pivoted between slamming the justices on social media for the February tariff ruling and calling on them to uphold his birthright citizenship order.
Domicile, the legal term for the place where an individual maintains a permanent home, was at the heart of Sauer’s argument Wednesday. Sauer argued that parents of children born in the U.S. must be domiciled in the United States and demonstrate allegiance to the country in order for their children to be granted citizenship.
Trump left the court after his administration’s argument faced pushback from the court’s key conservative justices, Chief Justice John Roberts and Justice Neil Gorsuch, as well as the rest of the justices on the bench.
As Trump’s motorcade rolled back to the White House, droves of tourists watched and responded with positive and negative gestures. National Guard members were in the crowds, as well.
The case, Trump v. Barbara, centers on the citizenship clause of the 14th Amendment, which has long been understood to confer citizenship to almost all individuals born on U.S. soil: “All persons born or naturalized in the United States and subject to the jurisdiction thereof are citizens of the United States and of the state wherein they reside.”
Shortly after returning to the White House last year, Trump signed an executive order seeking to end that guarantee. The justices will weigh whether the executive order complies with the federal statute that codified that clause.
Trump did not stay to hear more than the first few minutes of the dissenting arguments. But after returning to the White House, he posted a response on his Truth Social platform. “We are the only Country in the World STUPID enough to allow “Birthright” Citizenship!”
Sydney Carruth is a breaking news reporter covering national politics and policy for MS NOW. You can send her tips from a non-work device on Signal at SydneyCarruth.46 or follow her work on X and Bluesky.
Jake Traylor is a White House correspondent for MS NOW.
Fallon Gallagher is a legal affairs reporter for MS NOW.
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