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A longstanding belief in Democratic circles has completely collapsed

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A longstanding belief in Democratic circles has completely collapsed

Crucial to President-elect Donald Trump’s first victory in the popular vote were his gains with nonwhite voters. According to exit polls, Trump received 45% of the Latino vote — including a majority of Latino men — in what was a record high for a Republican presidential candidate. He doubled the share of young Black men he got in 2020. He made a 5-point gain with Asian Americans. In the heavily Arab American city of Dearborn, Michigan, where Democrats usually dominate, Trump easily won.

Exit poll numbers don’t tell the full story, and the details could change as more sophisticated voter data comes out in the coming months. But combined with pre-election polling and trends from earlier electionsthe emerging picture is clear: Trump’s coalition is becoming more racially diverse even as he leans into bigotedhateful rhetoric more than ever before.

Many liberals forget that those groups are never a monolith, and their members also have other identities that shape how they view the world.

Trump’s victory is shattering a common slogan and guiding principle in Democratic circles that “demographics is destiny.” There has long been a belief in the party that Democrats were destined to hold a long-term majority in the country as the nation became more diverse. That belief was predicated on the idea that the party won ethnic minorities because it presented itself as the multicultural and socially inclusive party, and because it treated minorities as interest groups to cater to based on priorities specific to their ethnicity. That belief has always been problematic, and now it is collapsing.

Trump’s playbook has thrown a grenade into the Democratic worldview, and the fallout among the left hasn’t been pretty. Where I expected to see introspection and sadness there have instead been expressions of spite. Sen. John Fetterman of Pennsylvania told Semafor“Dearborn delivered for Trump? OK, congratulations. You’re going to love the next Muslim ban.” Some progressive commentators have pitted ethnic minorities against each other and described the ones who appeared “loyal” to the party more favorably. “Black people did their job. Trump’s gains with Latinos were real. Trump is their guy,” declared one liberal commentator. There were even cruel viral jokes circulating on social media about how liberals now considered themselves indifferent to Trump’s promised “bloody” deportation operation because they felt betrayed by the Latino swing to the GOP.

This anger is reductive and retrograde — and it helps illuminate why the Democratic Party is in this predicament. Yes, people from the same ethnic group do often share common experiences and exhibit trends in their values and priorities. But many liberals forget that those groups are never a monolith, and their members also have other identities that shape how they view the world, including class, gender, age and the countless subcultures they choose to associate with. New York Times’ political correspondent Astead Herndon, who has long flagged Black men voters’ changing political attitudes, has rightly called it a “racist assumption” that people from racial minorities will automatically support the Democratic Party.

Setting aside the finger-pointing, I do understand why it is shocking for some that Trump could win over racial minorities even while saying or implying bigoted things about them. Some wonder how could Trump win over huge swaths of Latinos even as he demonizes Latino migrants with degrading, fascist language? How could Trump win over Muslim voters even after promising to re-institute a ban on migration from Muslim majority countries?

There are a lot of explanatory factors. First, people who are part of racial minorities are strategic voters just like white voters. Given the choice between only two options in an election, a voter of color can simultaneously object to Trump’s language, but still prefer the GOP’s right-wing policy positions on issues such as abortion. The economy is a particularly big example. Thomas Wood, a political scientist at Ohio State University, told The Atlantic that the breadth of the swing to the right across countless demographic groups since 2020 suggested a “really simple story … that secular dissatisfaction with Biden’s economic stewardship affected most demographic groups in a fairly homogeneous way.” The Austin American Statesman found a number of undocumented immigrants —  arguably the most vulnerable demographic group in the country now — were “optimistic” about Trump’s victory because they thought it would be good for business and worth the increased risk of deportation.

In the case of the Dearborn switch, one big reason is obvious: Many Arab Americans switched sides out of disgust at the Biden administration’s support for Israel’s military operation in Gaza. These voters made a (misguided, in my opinion) bet that there is some chance that Trump will take a different course of action.

Of course, racial minorities can also share Trump’s worldview about race. People of color can and regularly do hold bigoted attitudes toward other minorities. What’s to say that conservative voters of color don’t just tune out or laugh off Trump’s remarks when they’re trained on their specific community, but nod along as he calls out every other marginalized group under the sun? Or what’s to say they don’t endorse his offensive language but agree with the policy outcomes they help support, such as being “tough” on immigration, crime, or China?

Democrats cling to their old “demographics are destiny” worldview at their own peril. Not only is anti-bigoted messaging inadequate to hold onto voters of color, it can sometimes put them at odds with their lived experience. A good example of this is how Democrats have controversially incorporated the term “Latinx” into some of their messaging to Latino voters, in an attempt to be gender inclusive. A recent study by scholars from Harvard University and Georgetown University found that the term actually drives Latino voters away. While that backlash effect is driven by conservative attitudes, according to the study, the broader takeaway is that Democrats should not assume maximizing the vocabulary of inclusivity is always in the party’s interest.

This is not an argument that the Democrats ought to mimic the GOP’s right-wing nationalism or discard its commitment to multiculturalism. Rather, the point is Democrats ought not to take racial minorities for granted as meek loyalists who have to choose them because the alternative is assumed to be worse, or see them as an interest group that can be pandered to based on a race-specific lens. They ought to treat voters of color the way they would white voters — as complicated, ideologically flexible people who care about kitchen table issues. And they need to excite them the same way too — by making a compelling case for the future.

So far, Trump’s dark vision for that future is winning. But there is one obvious way to keep anti-bigotry at the center of the Democratic Party — and the broader left — while staying laser focused on economic liberation: hammering home that prejudice and culture wars are used to divide us us distract us from the class war at the heart of American unfreedom.

Zeeshan Aleem

Zeeshan Aleem is a writer and editor for BLN Daily. Previously, he worked at Vox, HuffPost and Blue Light News, and he has also been published in, among other places, The New York Times, The Atlantic, The Nation, and The Intercept. You can sign up for his free politics newsletter here.

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Politics

Canadians are folding on Vegas. Democrats see a royal flush.

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President Donald Trump’s trade war has driven Canadians from Las Vegas. Democrats think it will help them protect their Nevada battleground seats in November.

Last year, as Trump levied tariffs on Canada, visits from Canadians — who account for up to half of Las Vegas’ foreign tourism — dropped off by 17 percent. That played a large role in a 7.5 percent year-over-year decline in total tourist visits, making 2025 the worst non-pandemic year for Las Vegas since the city started tracking data in 1970. Now, as peak tourism season arrives in a battleground state where Republicans’ control of the House could be won or lost, Democrats are pushing voters to see the tourism slump as a direct impact of Trump’s levies.

“Trump instituted his reckless tariffs. In response, Canadians have literally boycotted traveling to America,” said Rep. Susie Lee (D-Nev.), whose Las Vegas-area seat is Republicans’ top target in the state. “That has had a significant impact on our tourism.”

Trump narrowly carried Lee’s district in 2024 and nearly won two other Vegas-area districts held by Democrats. Republicans are less bullish than they were a year ago about flipping the seats, but they view Lee’s as their best chance.

The races are a rare example of the international politics of tariffs — beyond their direct economic impact — playing a major role in an election. Unlike the upper Midwest or the Great Plains, Nevada doesn’t have a large manufacturing or agricultural sector jolted by the tariffs. Instead, the product most affected is the state’s Canadian visitors — who, on any given year, make up between 25 and 50 percent of Las Vegas’ foreign tourism market.

Spokespeople for the Republican National Committee and the National Republican Congressional Committee criticized Nevada’s Democratic congresspeople for voting against last year’s reconciliation bill, which included a “no tax on tips” provision. “If they actually cared about affordability, they wouldn’t have spent years making Nevada harder and more expensive to live in,” NRCC spokesperson Christian Martinez said.

Kush Desai, spokesperson for the White House, noted the “vast majority of Las Vegas tourists are Americans,” adding that the Trump administration “is focused on unleashing the historic job, wage, and economic growth that the American people experienced during President Trump’s first term with the President’s proven agenda of tax cuts, deregulation, and energy abundance.”

Many Canadians, incensed by Trump’s tariffs and his “51st state” taunts, have boycotted U.S. products and tourist destinations in retaliation. It coincides with an overall dropoff in Canadians’ view of their southern neighbor: According to a POLITICO Poll in February, a majority of Canadians now think the U.S. is an unreliable ally.

Even some Nevada Republicans acknowledge the problem. “The Canadians aren’t coming the way they were. Wonder why that is, huh?” Rep. Mark Amodei (R-Nev.), who isn’t running for reelection in his northern Nevada seat, said with a chuckle. “The communications for the tariff stuff was suboptimal.”

The dropoff in Canadian visitors played a role in stagnating a Las Vegas hospitality sector reliant on wealthy international visitors spending in the city’s casinos and hotels. A string of Las Vegas restaurants closed in recent months, some citing a downturn in visitors. And while employment has increased recently in the entertainment and recreation sectors, hiring in food and accommodation has been stagnant, according to Andrew Woods, an economist at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas.

The decline has been severe enough that local industry is taking dramatic steps to try to lure back lost business amidst an ongoing boycott from Canada. A group of Las Vegas resorts is offering to treat Canadian dollars at par with U.S. dollars, effectively a 30 percent discount, and hosting free concerts featuring Canadian artists. And the city’s tourism office recently launched a $3.5 million marketing campaign targeting Canadian visitors.

But it’s hard to overcome national patriotic fury with an ad campaign.

“Despite the efforts of our major operators in Las Vegas, the headwinds are coming from these external forces and the policies of this administration, and that’s what’s creating the economic uncertainty that we’re facing right now in Las Vegas,” said Rep. Steven Horsford (D-Nev.), whose district Trump lost by less than 3 points.

Overall tourist visits ticked up in February and March from those months the year earlier, offering a silver lining to the service industry. But the previous year of declining numbers created a deep hole to dig out of, said Ted Pappageorge, secretary/treasurer of the state’s powerful Culinary Union, which represents 60,000 cooks, roomkeepers and other hospitality workers in the state. If the low numbers continue, the union — which endorsed Democrats in all four of Nevada’s congressional races — is considering putting together relief efforts for its struggling members like it did during Covid, which included food, utility and rent assistance.

“If there’s anything like the reduction in visitation that happened last year, if that happens this year, then we’ll be in relief effort territory for our members,” said Pappageorge, noting “thousands and thousands of hours” have been cut for his union’s members this year due to reductions and restaurant closures.

Marty O’Donnell — the GOP front-runner to face Lee, who has the backing of Trump and the NRCC — was once skeptical of tariffs, but now says he “fully support(s)” the president’s trade policy.

“I’m now a convert, because what I see Donald Trump doing with tariffs is not something I ever anticipated,” O’Donnell said in an interview. “He uses it as a negotiating tool in a way that I never anticipated, and I actually love what he’s doing.”

O’Donnell said tariffs aren’t at the top of voters’ list of concerns. “I don’t hear anybody complaining about tariffs,” he said. “I just don’t think it’s an issue. I think there are way, way more important issues.”

One Nevada Republican strategist assisting multiple campaigns this cycle, granted anonymity to speak candidly about GOP strategy, admitted that Canadians were upset by Trump’s threats to make the country the “51st state” last year. But he and other Republicans pointed to an uptick in visitors in February and March. The strategist also noted the fact that Nevada added jobs at a faster rate than any other state in April, even though it has the nation’s third-highest unemployment rate. Those recent economic wins take the air out of Democrats’ attack, the strategist said.

“There are some bright spots,” O’Donnell senior adviser Keith Schipper said. “We’re talking about tariffs less so now than even six months, eight months ago.”

Republicans also point to the popularity of Republican Gov. Joe Lombardo, who they hope can win reelection in a tough environment and pull down-ballot candidates over the finish line. In a February poll, he was still viewed positively by a majority of Nevada voters even as Trump’s job approval dipped to 41 percent.

Not all economic indicators are dire, said Woods, the UNLV economist. The high-end hospitality sector is doing well, and an uptick in convention and business travelers has more than replaced the loss of Canadian tourists in numbers. “Canadian visitors, though, tend to stay longer and make Vegas their prime destination compared to other international tourists, which is good for our economy,” he said.

The local tourism drop lands on top of other economic concerns that are impacting everyone. A new CNN/SSRS poll conducted in late April and early May found that 77 percent of U.S. voters say Trump’s policies have increased the cost of living in their own community. And a surge in energy prices driven by the war in Iran led to inflation reaching its highest point in three years.

But Las Vegas is still an industry town. And with the main industry suffering, Democrats are banking on their races going their way.

“There’s a lot of service industry folks here, and so those folks are in the social circles in town,” said John Oceguera, the former Democratic speaker of the Nevada Assembly. “Whether you’re at a little league baseball game or a school event or whatnot, people are talking about that.”

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