Politics
Donald Trump is running his campaign into the ground
Presidential campaigns usually run their get-out-the-vote operations using campaign staff and volunteers. But in this election cycle, Donald Trump’s presidential campaign made a big and risky gamble: outsourcing the bulk of its ground game to America PAC, an outside group founded by tech titan Elon Musk. That move followed the Federal Election Commission’s decision to allow campaigns, for the first time, to work more closely with outside groups on GOTV operations.
That gamble appears to not be paying off. Reuters reports that, according to people involved in America PAC’s efforts, the group “is struggling in some swing states to meet door-knocking goals and is investigating claims that some canvassers lied about the number of voters they have contacted.” And The Guardian reports that, according to people familiar with the matter and leaked data, one-quarter of the door knocks the group claims it has executed in Arizona and Nevada are “potentially fraudulent.” The reports raise the possibility that the Trump campaign is many thousands of door knocks behind its goals for contacting voters. (According to The Guardian, the Trump campaign did not respond to requests for comment and “America Pac denied it was experiencing that level of actual fraud in Arizona and Nevada and declined to comment on reporting for this story.”)
Trump’s rally strategy is approaching the level of self-sabotage.
The Trump campaign appears to be incurring the costs of bucking common-sense strategies for voter turnout operations. Usually, a campaign would want to go the proven route of working with state parties and their regional field operations and avoid delegating critical work to networks of outside organizations.
Trump’s potential own goal on voter turnout is hardly an isolated misjudgment. In recent weeks the Trump’s campaign’s decision-making has appeared to be shockingly irrational and disorganized. With these missteps, Trump could be blowing his chances of winning the election. And if he were to win, then those missteps provide a preview of a Trump term that would be even more chaotic and incompetent than the first one.
One of Trump’s biggest head-scratchers in recent weeks has been a string of event and interview cancellations. Trump abruptly canceled a virtual town hall with Robert F. Kennedy Jr. on Tuesday, citing scheduling changes. Which wouldn’t be that strange except that it comes after a ton of last-second no-shows. My colleague Steve Benen rounded several of them up:
-Trump agreed to appear on CBS’s “60 Minutes” before canceling.
-He agreed to appear on CNBC before canceling.
-He reportedly planned to sit down for an interview with the NBC affiliate in Philadelphia before canceling.
-He was reportedly in conversations for weeks with The Shade Room about a sit-down interview before withdrawing.
-His campaign said he’d debate Kamala Harris more than once, but he soon after scrapped those plans, too.
It’s highly unusual for a presidential candidate to withdraw from so many media appearances, particularly in the final weeks of the election. At this moment, every hour matters. Ever the compulsive self-promoter, Trump would know that every interview is an opportunity to make news, make his closing arguments and stay top of mind for voters. Which makes the cancellations appear to be self-defeating.
Similarly, Trump’s rally strategy is approaching the level of self-sabotage. As I argued last week, the former president’s baffling decision to tour several blue states — some of them repeatedly — in the final weeks of the campaign could cost him major opportunities to persuade swing state voters to cast their ballots for him.
But when he was in a swing state last week, he swayed to music for 40 minutes in what was one of the strangest displays in modern presidential campaign history. As quirky as Trump has always been, he hasn’t ever so powerfully elicited questions of whether he’s in his right mind.
What explains Trump’s streak of increasingly bizarre behavior? Theories abound, from declining mental acuity to fatigue to overzealous attempts to telegraph confidence. I’d guess it’s a combination of all of those factors. What we do know is that the behavior that Trump and his team are exhibiting makes the prospect of another Trump term concerning for reasons other than his awful policy positions and plans. Unpredictability and irrationality are extremely dangerous in a president, especially when it comes to tasks such as managing foreign affairs.
Trump’s apparent exhaustion and inability to follow through with plans makes it possible that he would be more subdued and less effective in pursuing his nationalist and authoritarian agenda. Passing laws requires a lot of work and persuasion, and Trump may be less up to the task than he would’ve been otherwise. But for the most part, Trump’s growing inscrutability is worrying. A clear, rational mind is a nonnegotiable trait for overseeing diplomacy and warfare and managing nuclear risk. And if Trump is more prone to succumb to impulse and emotion, then his commitments to using executive authority to empower himself could grow even fiercer — and more disastrous for American democracy.
Zeeshan Aleem is a writer and editor for BLN Daily. Previously, he worked at Vox, HuffPost and Blue Light News, and he has also been published in, among other places, The New York Times, The Atlantic, The Nation, and The Intercept. You can sign up for his free politics newsletter here.
Politics
2028 Dem veteran? Uncle Sam wants you.
In the 15 days since President Donald Trump launched Operation Epic Fury on Iran, Sen. Ruben Gallego (D-Ariz.) is approaching nearly a dozen media appearances, offering his often visceral reaction to the conflict.
Gallego, a 46-year-old combat veteran who deployed to Iraq as an infantryman in 2005, has emerged as a blunt, clear voice for the Democratic Party on foreign policy, speaking as someone whose own generation experienced the forever wars.
There he was on BLN’s “The Source with Kaitlin Collins” saying Secretary of State Marco Rubio was doing “CYA” and noting that the “MAGA base is pissed.” There he was sitting down with the AP speaking “as someone who lives with PTSD,” adding “it’s not been an easy week.” And there he was on Derek Thompson’s podcast, speaking about “going town to town searching for insurgents” 21 years ago, “but there was no clear direction of what victory looked like, what the end goal was, what was going to be the after-action report on Iraq.”
Gallego isn’t alone. Sen. Mark Kelly (D-Ariz.), a Navy captain who flew combat missions during Operation Desert Storm in 1990, has also racked up a run of high-profile media appearances, as has former Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, a U.S. Navy Reserve intelligence officer who deployed to Afghanistan. Maryland Gov. Wes Moore, who served in Afghanistan in the Army’s 82nd Airborne, went on local radio this week to link Americans’ affordability woes to the war.
In a year after many Democrats pined for a metaphorical fighter, the party is now having a conversation with itself about whether it needs a literal fighter — a veteran who can speak with credibility on issues of war and national security.
In an interview with Blue Light News, Gallego spoke of “dodging bullets, IEDs, RPGs, clearing towns and then coming back to the same towns with insurgents” and of “losing friends and still not understanding what the end goal was the whole time.”
“It leaves a mark on you, and you start seeing it happening again, you know, you don’t really think about the politics,” Gallego said. “You think about the people who are going to be potentially dying. And that’s why I think I was not hesitant to speak my mind on that.”
Later this month in San Antonio, Texas, Gallego will join VoteVets Action for its third town hall featuring potential 2028 Democratic presidential candidates, promising “fresh voices to the national conversation — those who have worn the uniform and served alongside us, who connect with everyday Americans others can’t,” according to a promotional video. (They’ve also done town halls with Buttigieg and Michigan Sen. Elissa Slotkin.)
“On foreign policy, the Dems need a candidate who is seen as strong/tough — not in rhetoric or bravado political platitudes but who conveys a sense of judgement and resolve with which voters connect instinctively,” said Doug Wilson, the former assistant secretary of Defense for Public Affairs during the Obama administration and co-lead of Buttigieg’s 2020 foreign policy team.
The “Iran war underscores the need” for such a candidate, Wilson added.
Whomever the Democrats select as their nominee could potentially face a Situation Room-steeped ticket deep with national security credentials, including a Marine Iraq war veteran in Vice President JD Vance or Rubio, with his secretary of State experience.
Depending on how the many conflicts the U.S. is engaged in at the moment resolve, that experience could cut against them.
But right now, Democrats who can match those bona fides have some currency others without them can’t.
“That’s obviously going to be helpful to them,” said Matt Bennett, co-founder of the center-left think tank Third Way. “It’s gonna be a big part of what they’re talking about for the next little while. But you know, how long does it last? We just don’t know, right? In my professional lifetime, foreign policy stuff and national security has mattered in a presidential race once — in 2004. That’s it. Otherwise, it comes up, but it’s not driving the conversation.”
Some potential Democratic candidates without such credentials have still managed to break through amid the Iran news cycle. Sen. Jon Ossoff (D-Ga.) has said the White House has treated aspects of the war “as a video game,” in a clip gaining traction on X. “When American service members killed in action are returning to the United States in flagged-draped coffins, and even more Americans have lost limbs or suffered terrible brain injuries or are fighting for their lives, this White House treats war like a game, and it’s a disgrace,” Ossoff said.
When asked whether military service is an essential for the party’s eventual nominee, Gallego acknowledged there is a benefit for someone who can “speak with that type of credibility.”
“I’m not the type of person that’s like, ‘you have to be a veteran — Iraq War veteran,’” Gallego said. “This is a democracy. We’re still one, and there’s a lot of people that can bring valuable experience and knowledge. But you know, someone that actually has a nuanced understanding of foreign policy; that doesn’t go to the total knee-jerk reactionism that sometimes we see where we go to the point of, you know, isolationism; or the other way, where we go to full neocon. There needs to be a very balanced way to how we approach the world.”
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