Congress
The Reluctant Steamroller in the White House
Just hours into his second presidency, Donald Trump was already bulldozing congressional Republicans.
He granted clemency to some 1,500 Jan. 6 offenders, some of them convicted of violent assaults. He flouted a bipartisan TikTok ban, ordering it to remain unenforced. And he moved to cancel some of his predecessor’s energy programs over the pleadings of some in the GOP who wanted him to wait — to name just a few of the ways he undercut members of his own party.
A day later, it was as if a switch had been flipped.
In a meeting Tuesday with top GOP leaders, he didn’t move to settle key strategic disputes over raising the debt limit and passing the party’s big domestic policy package. Top leaders from the House and Senate left the White House and gave reporters completely contradictory accounts of how his agenda would be passed.
In other words, Trump is already showing his split-screen approach to congressional relations — one that, so far, is more concerned with using his political muscle to perform acts of dominance than to settle the intramural disputes that are holding up his agenda.
The past two days underscore how Trump and his team view Capitol Hill, informed by his previous four years in office, and the four subsequent years he spent climbing back: Republicans will eventually fall in line with whatever he wants, they believe, so why hold back?
“The sooner these guys recognize that it’s the president that kept their House majority and their Senate majority, and the sooner they realize it’s the president that has the will of the people — not them — the sooner they will be able to live a productive life,” one Trump insider granted anonymity to discuss relations with Congress told me recently.
“At the end of the day, he’s the one with the mandate, and they know it,” said another.
There was immediate evidence that such a read is absolutely correct.
Faced with questions about Trump’s Jan. 6 pardons, most GOP lawmakers opted for a delicate tap dance. Many deflected attention to predecessor Joe Biden’s pardons of family members. Others quickly dusted off the old first-term playbook: I didn’t see the tweet/comment/executive order.
“I haven’t seen the list,“ Speaker Mike Johnson told my colleague Meredith Lee Hill. “I haven’t had a chance to evaluate it.”
And when Trump essentially flipped them the bird on TikTok — putting off dealing with something they’ve described for years as a major national security issue — nary a squawk was heard. Johnson and Senate Intelligence Chair Tom Cotton (R-Ark.) spoke out Sunday to reiterate their support for the nine-month-old ban, only to be neutered a day later.
Same goes for Trump’s first-day decision to gut Biden’s electric vehicle mandates. Hill leaders wanted to repeal it themselves so they could book the savings and use them to offset the cost of tax cuts. Trump bullied forward anyway.
He even burned political capital on a molehill of a mountain: re-renaming Denali to Mount McKinley over the objections of Alaska Sens. Lisa Murkowski and Dan Sullivan.
A more traditional politician might consider it risky to wildly alienate members of your own party (especially a known swing vote like Murkowski) when much of your agenda requires congressional approval — doubly so when you have a House majority even narrower than in the Senate.
Not so for Trump, obviously. Yet the alpha-male power plays suddenly evaporate when it comes to settling disputes among Republicans about his own agenda.
The chambers remain on diverging paths when it comes to passing border, energy and tax measures, with the House pushing one vote on one massive bill while the Senate wants to split it in two. Same for the debt limit: Include it in a party-line budget reconciliation bill? Or cut a deal with Democrats?
Some Republicans were hoping Trump would use his audience with Hill leaders at the White House on Tuesday to crack the whip on those questions and others. That doesn’t seem to have happened: One senior Republican aide we spoke to afterward couldn’t hide his disappointment; Trump continued to waffle rather than provide clarity.
That’s despite complaining in the meeting, as he often does, about how Democrats always stick together and Republicans instead bicker and fracture. He insisted on unity but didn’t do much to facilitate it.
Which is partly why Trump’s whatever-I-want posture early on is raising so many eyebrows among some Republicans. The president, they believe, will have to spend some of the political capital he seems intent on burning now to get his agenda passed later.
A key test is at hand, with some of Trump’s most controversial nominees headed toward confirmation votes that will force some Senate Republicans to eat a “shit sandwich,” as one Republican aide told me on Inauguration Day.
Pete Hegseth, his pick for Pentagon chief, is teed up for a vote within days despite a late-breaking report that he’d made an ex-wife “fear for her safety.” (The woman denied she’d been physically abused.) And many senators remain uncomfortable with his choice of Tulsi Gabbard for director of national intelligence, with her isolationist views and policy flipflops.
They haven’t even gotten yet to his plans for tariffs — not only on China but allies like Mexico and Canada — potential levies that have given traditional pro-business Republicans heartburn for months.
If Republicans fall in line behind Hegseth, Gabbard and tariffs — as most now expect — it will be proof positive that Trump’s steamroller approach is working.
“From his end, he’s doing what he said he would do, so this notion that we’re going to have any ability to stop him from doing what he feels is right is laughable,” said one senior GOP aide. “It’s just not happening.”
So who cares if he isn’t sweating the small stuff?
Senate Judiciary Chair Chuck Grassley rescheduled a planned vote on Todd Blanche’s nomination as attorney general late Friday in a preemptive move as negotiations between the Trump administration and GOP holdouts continue.
The vote, now set for Tuesday after a scheduled Thursday vote was postponed, isn’t an indication that a deal allowing for Blanche’s confirmation is near, so much as it is a nod to Judiciary Committee rules that require three days of notice for a panel meeting.
There is no sign that President Donald Trump is about to acquiesce to the unflinching demands of Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas), who wants a controversial settlement agreement between Trump and the IRS substantially pared back.
Cornyn, who lost his primary to a Trump-endorsed candidate, wants the Justice Department to nullify a $1.8 billion “Anti-Weaponization Fund” and limit the scope of a tax audit immunity component of the pact.
Trump told reporters earlier Friday the fund is “dead” but added “I wish it weren’t.”
“I’d like to see them compensated,” he added, referring to people he considers victims of government abuse, including participants in the Jan. 6, 2021, Capitol attack.
To advance Tuesday, Blanche needs to pick up Cornyn and Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.), another senator on the panel with similar concerns. He can’t lose any GOP votes if he wants to be reported favorably out of the Judiciary Committee.
“Chairman Grassley wants Todd Blanche’s nomination to be successful,” said a Judiciary Committee spokesperson, who declined to be named. “Noticing the markup gives more time for the White House to secure the votes for the President’s nominee. Grassley would like to see Blanche confirmed before the August recess as he has an excellent record restoring law and order and keeping Americans safe.”
House Majority Leader Steve Scalise is zeroing in on one of House Republicans’ biggest contests — a purple district in Nebraska — when he starts his recess campaign sprint.
Scalise will travel to Nebraska’s 2nd Congressional District in the Omaha area for an event with Republican Brinker Harding in the coming days, according to a person with direct knowledge of the matter granted anonymity to share plans not yet made public. Republicans are digging in to defend the seat, which Kamala Harris won in the 2024 presidential race and is among Democrats’ best pick up opportunities this fall as they seek to flip the House.
Harding is running against Democratic consultant Denise Powell to replace retiring GOP Rep. Don Bacon. Bacon, a moderate-leaning Republican, flipped the Omaha district red in 2016.
After Nebraska, Scalise is planning to travel across the country throughout August, including to defend GOP incumbents Mariannette Miller-Meeks’ and Zach Nunn’s key battleground seats in Iowa’s 1st and 3rd Congressional Districts and Derrick Van Orden in Wisconsin’s 3rd Congressional District.
He’ll boost candidates working to flip blue districts like Laurie Buckhout in North Carolina’s 1st Congressional District, Derek Merrin in Ohio’s 9th Congressional District and Mike LiPetri in New York’s 3rd Congressional District.
Scalise also plans to travel to Michigan, Colorado, South Carolina and Texas for campaign events over the August recess.
President Donald Trump goaded John Cornyn on social media Friday morning, accusing the Texas senator of withholding his vote on Todd Blanche’s attorney general nomination in retaliation for Trump’s central role in his political demise.
Cornyn, who lost his May primary to Texas’ scandal-ridden attorney general, the Trump-endorsed Ken Paxton, has threatened to block Blanche’s nomination in the Senate Judiciary Committee until the White House promises to permanently shelve its $1.8 billion “anti-weaponization fund” in writing — something Trump appears unwilling to do.
“John Cornyn never had a problem with the so called “Fund,” which will not benefit me, but rather the great American Patriots who were hunted down like dogs and whose lives were unfairly and illegally destroyed by the Crooked Joe Biden Administration, until after I decided to Endorse and Support his Republican Primary opponent in Texas, who easily won the Nomination for the United States Senate,” Trump wrote on Truth Social.
Several Republicans bristled at the fund, which could have been deployed to compensate Americans who faced charges after the Jan. 6 Capitol riot and which gives the president and his family audit immunity over taxes. At his July confirmation hearing, Blanche said that the fund, part of a settlement the president reached with the IRS, was defunct. But the administration has been “reluctant to change” the text of the settlement, Cornyn told reporters Thursday.
Trump signaled his continued support for the Jan 6 rioters on Friday.
“I will always feel that these victims of government abuse should be paid back for what they were forced to endure, their lives have been ruined!” he wrote. “Millions of people agree with me, as was proven in my landslide Presidential win, where this was a major subject of debate, and so did John Cornyn, until he lost his Election to an opponent that I Endorsed.”
On Thursday, the president suggested that he could punt a Senate vote on Blanche until after Cornyn — and Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) — leaves the chamber at the end of the year. Cornyn, however, suggested on social media that there are other Republican senators with concerns about the fund.
“After the midterms, who knows who’s going to be the next United States senator from North Carolina or Texas?” Cornyn told reporters.
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