Politics
Trump made the GOP a big-tent party. Now, he’s stuck with the infighting.
A coalition of MAGA die-hards, tech bros and blue-collar workers were key to Donald Trump’s November victory.
Now, some of them are already at each other’s throats.
Free traders and protectionists are at odds over Trump’s promise to enact “universal” tariffs. Immigration hard-liners are butting heads with tech companies that support legal immigration. And isolationists are grappling with the president-elect’s apparently increasingly expansionist global agenda.
And days before he takes office some of Trump’s most ardent original supporters have been the most resistant to the bigger tent.
“There’s going to be a fundamental ideological clash between the original MAGA base that supported President Trump from the beginning and the tech overlords who are literally buying influence so that they can try to manipulate and change our foreign policy and our tech policy and our immigration policy,” said Laura Loomer, the controversial conservative activist who said she lost premium features on X due to disagreeing with Elon Musk on immigration policy.
These clashes, including opening shots in recent days from longtime Trump ally Steve Bannon at the president-elect’s new companion Musk, presage the challenges Trump faces in governing his newly big-tent Republican Party.
But some Trump allies argue these divides are a feature — not a bug — of Trump’s governing style. During his first administration, the president-elect was known for running his Cabinet like an executive boardroom: He brought together a cadre of diverse interests, let them duke it out and then, on his own, decided the path forward. That strategy, of encouraging competition among his advisers, allowed Trump to retain the ultimate decision-making authority and prevented any one group from gaining too much power.
“Whenever one of these issues comes up and there’s a fight, like between Steve Bannon and Elon Musk, and I’m like, well, whose name is on the ballot? Trump’s,” said Scott Jennings, a GOP strategist who was at one point considered for the president-elect’s press secretary post. “His personal and his political influence is at its apex. And so if there’s a fight or a division going on, and he’s got two people who are legitimately allies of Trump and want to see him do well but they’re fighting or competing for his ear on something, ultimately, his power and influence here is going to settle it, I would imagine, rather quickly. There’s no more powerful person in Washington right now.”
The Trump transition team did not respond to a request for comment.
Beyond the schism between hardcore MAGA loyalists and Musk over H-1B visas — which are designed to allow companies to bring skilled foreign workers to the U.S. but have drawn the ire of some Democrats and Republicans — some Trump loyalists like Loomer and Bannon have also attacked noted venture capitalists and players in the tech world.
“This is only the first of many eruptions and fractures between the MAGA base and the so-called Tech Right as they call themselves — and I say ‘as they call themselves’ because these guys are not right wing — they decided to support Trump after he was almost assassinated, but their voting record and their political giving history shows [otherwise],” Loomer said.
In an interview with Blue Light News, Bannon also took aim at tech funders Peter Thiel and Marc Andreessen, who are said to have Trump’s ear — and even questioned his pick of Ken Howery to be ambassador to Greenland due to his ties to Thiel.
“I hope our efforts in Greenland are not associated with that,” Bannon said.
Trump observers say the spat reflects a long-standing truth in Trump world — being in his inner circle is always a moving target. The president-elect has long had a reputation for making policy decisions based on the last person he talked to about an issue.
“Steve Bannon has been in his ear for a long time, something of a base whisperer, yet now we see Elon coming into prominence,” said Matthew Bartlett, a GOP strategist and former Trump administration appointee. But “at the end of the day, it is [Trump’s] decision — whether it’s H-1B visas, whether it’s critical foreign policy — and he has no problem asserting himself and leaving others out in the cold. The king whisperer can easily find himself on the other side of the moat.”
Trump’s first administration was chock full of groups that were at odds with each other: establishment Republicans and MAGA outsiders; policy pragmatists and ideologues; hawks and isolationists; institutionalists and loyalists; and family and non-family. Those splits allowed Trump to frame himself as the ultimate consensus-builder and dealmaker, including with the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act and the renegotiation of NAFTA.
And he appears to be taking the same approach ahead of his second term. Already, Trump quickly tamped down any would-be opposition to Mike Johnson’s speakership, and he has expressed his preference for one “big, beautiful bill” on reconciliation.
Because so many diverse interests came together to elect Trump, even including some Democrats and independents, Trump allies argue that it’s inevitable he’ll make a decision that at least some of his supporters disagree with. Last week, he roiled isolationists when he wouldn’t rule out using military force to annex Greenland and regain control over the Panama Canal, seemingly expanding the “America First” agenda of his first term to a more expansionist vision.
Anti-abortion groups have been frustrated by his pick of Robert F. Kennedy Jr. as Health and Human Services secretary. And more traditional conservatives haven’t been happy with his choice of strongly pro-union Rep. Lori Chavez-DeRemer (R-Ore.) as Labor secretary.
A former Trump official, granted anonymity to assess a fraught moment for the movement, also argued that this is the most unified the country has been around the president-elect since he first entered office.
The Laura Loomers and Steve Bannons of the world “feel like they built Trump, they made Trump Trump, and they want to leverage it like a purity test,” the person said. “That doesn’t work with a coalition this big.”
Politics
Pritzker helped a Black woman become senator. Some Black leaders are still mad at him.
Congressional Black Caucus members, after a stinging loss in the Illinois Democratic Senate primary, are training their ire on Gov. JB Pritzker — and saying it’s on him to rehabilitate the relationship.
After Pritzker’s outsized financial support for Lt. Gov. Juliana Stratton helped lift her to victory, lawmakers vented frustrations that his money unfairly tilted the race in her favor and away from their candidate, Rep. Robin Kelly, a CBC member who finished a distant third. And as Pritzker eyes a 2028 presidential bid, some members, cognizant that the path to winning the Democratic Party’s nomination will run through the caucus, signaled they won’t forget that he crossed them this round.
“He has to justify what he did,” said Rep. Bennie Thompson (D-Miss.). “I’m sure at some point if he decides to run, he’ll have to come with that justification. As to whether or not it has merit or not, remains to be seen.”
Pritzker’s money helped put Stratton on the path to becoming just the sixth Black senator in U.S. history. But by boxing out Kelly, he frayed his relationship with the caucus, which holds significant sway over which candidates break through with Black voters — a large and powerful voting bloc the billionaire governor will need if he chooses to run for the White House.
“Keep in mind, the Democratic candidate for president that prevails has to go through [the CBC],” said Rep. Joyce Beatty (D-Ohio). “The CBC is very strategic and so if there is an issue … we will lay out our framework for what it will take” to get our endorsement, she added.
Many top CBC officials are in no rush to make the first move to mend fences.
“We don’t need to reach out to the governor,” said Rep. Gregory Meeks (D-N.Y.) who chairs the Congressional Black Caucus PAC, adding that the group is focused on midterm races and delivering House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries the speaker’s gavel.
“Others are going to have to reach out to us,” he said of Pritzker. “Those conversations happen when those conversations happen.”
Pritzker’s political arm issued a statement in response saying he was “proud” to support Stratton, Illinois’ first Black lieutenant governor: “With only six black women having served in the U.S. Senate throughout its history, Gov. Pritzker supported his partner in governance because he’s worked side by side with her for almost a decade and knows she will deliver for the people of Illinois,” Jordan Abudayyeh, Pritzker’s spokesperson, said.
His team did not address questions about CBC members’ concerns, but did point to Rep. Jim Clyburn, the powerful South Carolina Democrat, saying ahead of the election that Pritzker was “free to support” anyone.
Clyburn on Wednesday told Blue Light News he would “expect” for Pritzker to support his No. 2 and that he was not focused on 2028.
Still, lawmakers’ veiled threats lay bare the difficulties Pritzker could face beyond Tuesday’s primary. And they underscore the duality the CBC is navigating as high-profile defeats of their members in Illinois and Texas raise questions about their political influence — even as they celebrate Stratton’s victory.
In interviews with more than a dozen CBC members on Wednesday, they made clear their irritation is not with Stratton, who many said will be welcomed into the caucus if she wins as expected in November. Their indignation rests solely with Pritzker, who they accused of playing kingmaker by pouring millions of dollars into propping up Stratton.
Tensions flared between the powerful legislative voting bloc and the billionaire governor in early March. CBC Chair Yvette Clarke lashed out at Pritzker, saying she was “beyond frustrated” with the governor for “tipping the scales” a nod to his funneling of $5 million from his super PAC to help catapult Stratton into contention with Rep. Raja Krishnamoorthi, who for much of the primary was leading in the polls and started with a massive cash advantage.
Many CBC members, and Clarke specifically, took Pritzker’s presence in the race as a snub to Kelly, who had a long-standing beef with Pritzker after he worked to oust her as chair of the Illinois Democratic Party in 2022. While both Kelly and Pritzker were said to have moved beyond it, the Senate campaign reopened old wounds.
Clarke issued a statement — some 12 hours after the Illinois Senate primary was called — to congratulate Stratton on her victory, calling it “a significant moment for Illinois and the nation that calls for unity” before pivoting to praise Kelly.
The CBC chair on Wednesday said she and Pritzker had not spoken.
“I’m sure there’ll be a moment where we’ll have a conversation,” Clarke said. When asked if she felt like she needed to initiate a conversation with the governor, she responded tersely. “No, I don’t.”
Former Illinois Sen. Carol Moseley Braun, the first Black woman elected to the body in U.S. history, endorsed Stratton in the race. She took issue with CBC members’ intense focus on the governor’s role in the process instead of the historic outcome, and said the group seemed more focused on backing its own than expanding Black representation.
“To weigh in on this race was just backwards,” she told Blue Light News. “[Kelly] was a member of the caucus and so it’s understandable on that level. But at the same time, Juliana deserved at least something from that group.”
Many current CBC members refrained from attacking Pritzker directly, however — another sign of the complex politics at play. Congressional Democrats want Pritzker’s billions to help bankroll their bid to retake control of the House and make Jeffries, the minority leader and New York Democrat, the first Black speaker. They’ve already been working him behind the scenes.
“I’ve already reached out to Governor Pritzker,” said Rep. Steven Horsford (D-Nev.), a former CBC chair. “I’ve talked to him this morning, in fact, and I’ll talk to him in the weeks and months to come, because I have one objective: to win this House, to help win the Senate, and to make sure we end the chaos that’s coming out of this administration.”
Others took pains to separate their evaluation of Pritzker’s role in propelling Stratton to victory from any campaign he may run in 2028, suggesting they were willing to reset the relationship.
“You will still have to show your bona fides, and you still will have to make your case as to why the CBC and Black people should take you into consideration. So we have reset it,” Rep. Sydney Kamlager-Dove (D-Calif.) said. “Good for him, for her, but that has no bearing on the 2028 race.”
Shia Kapos contributed to this report.
Politics
Judge orders restoration of Voice of America
NEW YORK (AP) — A federal judge on Tuesday ordered the Trump administration to restore the government-run Voice of America’s operations after it had effectively been shut down a year ago, putting hundreds of employees who have been on administrative leave back to work.
U.S. District Court Judge Royce C. Lamberth gave the U.S. Agency for Global Media a week to put together a plan for putting Voice of America on the air. It has been operating with a skeleton staff since President Donald Trump issued an executive order to shut it down.
A week ago, Lamberth said Kari Lake, who had been Trump’s choice to lead the agency, did not have the legal authority to do what she had done at Voice of America. In Tuesday’s decision, Lamberth ruled on the actions she had taken to respond to Trump’s order, essentially shelving 1,042 of VOA’s 1,147 employees.
“Defendants have provided nothing approaching a principled basis for their decision,” Lamberth wrote.
There was no immediate comment on the decision by the agency overseeing Voice of America. Lake had denounced Lamberth’s March 7 ruling, saying it would be appealed. Since then, Trump nominated Sarah Rogers, the undersecretary of state for public diplomacy, to run USAGM. That requires Senate approval, a step that was not taken with Lake.
Patsy Widakuswara, Voice of America’s White House bureau chief and a plaintiff in the lawsuit to restore it, said she is deeply grateful for the decision.
“We are eager to begin repairing the damage Kari Lake has inflicted on our agency and our colleagues, to return to our congressional mandate, and to rebuild the trust of the global audience we have been unable to serve for the past year,” she said.
“We know the road to restoring VOA’s operations and reputation will be long and difficult,” she said. “We hope the American people will continue to support our mission to produce journalism, not propaganda.”
Voice of America has transmitted news coverage to countries around the world since its formation in World War II, often in countries with no tradition of a free press. Before Trump’s executive order, VOA had operated in 49 different languages, broadcasting to 362 million people.
Politics
Judge orders restoration of Voice of America
NEW YORK (AP) — A federal judge on Tuesday ordered the Trump administration to restore the government-run Voice of America’s operations after it had effectively been shut down a year ago, putting hundreds of employees who have been on administrative leave back to work.
U.S. District Court Judge Royce C. Lamberth gave the U.S. Agency for Global Media a week to put together a plan for putting Voice of America on the air. It has been operating with a skeleton staff since President Donald Trump issued an executive order to shut it down.
A week ago, Lamberth said Kari Lake, who had been Trump’s choice to lead the agency, did not have the legal authority to do what she had done at Voice of America. In Tuesday’s decision, Lamberth ruled on the actions she had taken to respond to Trump’s order, essentially shelving 1,042 of VOA’s 1,147 employees.
“Defendants have provided nothing approaching a principled basis for their decision,” Lamberth wrote.
There was no immediate comment on the decision by the agency overseeing Voice of America. Lake had denounced Lamberth’s March 7 ruling, saying it would be appealed. Since then, Trump nominated Sarah Rogers, the undersecretary of state for public diplomacy, to run USAGM. That requires Senate approval, a step that was not taken with Lake.
Patsy Widakuswara, Voice of America’s White House bureau chief and a plaintiff in the lawsuit to restore it, said she is deeply grateful for the decision.
“We are eager to begin repairing the damage Kari Lake has inflicted on our agency and our colleagues, to return to our congressional mandate, and to rebuild the trust of the global audience we have been unable to serve for the past year,” she said.
“We know the road to restoring VOA’s operations and reputation will be long and difficult,” she said. “We hope the American people will continue to support our mission to produce journalism, not propaganda.”
Voice of America has transmitted news coverage to countries around the world since its formation in World War II, often in countries with no tradition of a free press. Before Trump’s executive order, VOA had operated in 49 different languages, broadcasting to 362 million people.
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