Politics
Republicans quietly celebrate the demise of tariffs. That relief might not last.
Republicans quietly breathed a collective sigh of relief when the Supreme Court struck down President Donald Trump’s sweeping tariffs on Friday — but that feeling may prove fleeting.
The court’s decision to upend Trump’s global tariffs comes as affordability concerns and the cost of living continue to galvanize voters ahead of the midterms. Many free trade-friendly Republicans spent the past year worrying that the tariffs would drive prices higher, destabilize the economy and hurt their hopes of hanging onto control of Congress this November.
“It’s very possible that the Supreme Court just threw Trump’s economy a life preserver, and the president is refusing it and demanding an anchor. These tariffs economically have not played well into the affordability narrative,” said Matthew Bartlett, a Republican strategist and former Trump State Department official. “It just has not been helpful — full stop.”
Trump’s hard line on tariffs has proven particularly difficult for some GOP candidates to navigate in battleground states where manufacturing and agricultural industries have been hit the hardest by the trade measures. Several of Trump’s allies in farm country and Republicans encouraged him to pump the brakes Friday and reassess his path forward.
But the president’s announcement of a 10 percent global tariff immediately after the ruling had them back on their guard.
“We have very powerful alternatives,” Trump said in a press conference Friday afternoon, announcing he will sign the new tariff under Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 – and rejecting the possibility of legislating a new measure through Congress. “I don’t need to,” he said. “It’s already been approved.”
Only minutes earlier, Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) had suggested in a post on X thatCongress would work with the administration to find “the best path forward.”
Polling shows that Trump’s tariffs are broadly unpopular. A 45 percent plurality of Americans said in a November POLITICO Poll that higher tariffs are damaging the U.S. economy — in both the short and long term. That view falls along partisan lines, with Democrats far more likely to say the levies are damaging the U.S. economy.
Still, roughly a quarter of Trump’s own 2024 voters agree. Among Republicans who do not identify as “MAGA” — a much more malleable group of voters — opposition to the levies rose. Thirty-two percent of non-MAGA Republicans said the higher tariffs are damaging the economy in both the short and the long term, compared with just 21 percent of self-identifying MAGA Republicans.
Despite Americans’ overall disapproval of the White House’s tariff agenda, Trump remains bullish on his approach.
“Without tariffs, this country would be in such trouble right now,” he said in a Thursday speech before a crowd gathered at a factory in northwest Georgia. “I’ve won affordability,” he added.
But the uncertainty around what comes next on tariffs has some Republicans questioning why the administration didn’t go through Congress from the start, instead choosing a legally riskier route that has left at least a temporary vacuum at the heart of their economic agenda in an election year.
“Why must we fuck ourselves?” rhetorically asked one GOP official, who, like others in this article, was granted anonymity to speak openly about their concerns with the White House’s economic agenda. “He should’ve gotten congressional approval. Now it’s destabilized the economy.”
Before the ruling, while Congressional Republicans had occasionally grumbled about the policy, they had largely fallen in line when actually required to vote on it. Now, the Supreme Court’s decision could put more pressure on them to break with the president.
“You have so much overlap between people who support the president, and people who are hurt worst by the tariffs themselves,” said one longtime GOP strategist in Iowa. “That’s why the criticism has always been somewhat muted.”
Democratic candidates are quickly taking advantage of that. DCCC spokesperson Courtney Rice said the decision “makes crystal clear the need for Congress to exercise its constitutional authority over trade policy.”
Abdul El-Sayed, a Democrat running for Senate in Michigan, said “the damage has already been done” by the tariffs. And Rep. Chris Pappas (D-N.H.), running for Senate, released a statement saying his opponents “are running to push Donald Trump’s agenda,” whereas he will work to “rectify the damage that Trump’s tariffs have caused our state.”
Even historically protectionist-leaning Democrats took shots at Trump. Former Sen. Sherrod Brown (D-Ohio) said in the ruling’s wake that his opponent, Sen. John Husted (R-Ohio), was “once again doubling down on his support for reckless tariffs that are raising costs and sending Ohio farmers into bankruptcy.” (Husted, for his part, said in a statement that he respects the court’s decision.)
“Not only do voters hate these tariffs because they’ve raised costs, but now the Supreme Court has said they’re illegal,” said Democratic strategist Jesse Ferguson. “Every Republican in 2026 has a Scarlett ‘T’ on their chest.”
Some Republicans had already publicly questioned the president’s authority to unilaterally impose blanket duties on trading partners without seeking approval from Congress. For them, the ruling proved a win on constitutional grounds.
“I feel vindicated as I’ve been saying this for the last 12 months,” said Rep. Don Bacon (R-Neb.) on X, one of the few House Republicans who has repeatedly opposed Trump’s tariffs. “In the future, Congress should defend its own authorities and not rely on the Supreme Court.”
Six House Republicans voted alongside Democrats last week to condemn Trump’s tariffs on Canada, sending the measure to the Senate, which has already seen significant GOP defection in other votes on the duty measures. Senior House Democrats have vowed to bring up at least three more similar resolutions that will force GOP members to choose between their adherence to free trade principles and their MAGA base.
“There are a lot of members of Congress excited to see that the tariffs are temporarily not in effect. It has been a pinch at home and it’s been hard to message around,” added one Republican strategist involved with House races. “It gives them some breathing room. It gives them a little bit more leeway in that affordability message.”
In agriculture-heavy states, the tariffs have been felt acutely in recent months. The Trump administration approved a $12 billion bailout for farmers in December and Hill Republicans are considering a second tranche, though that has yet to pass.
American Farm Bureau President Zippy Duvall — a frequent ally of Trump’s — released a statement Friday afternoon urging Trump to pump the brakes.
“With supply costs already at or near record highs, we strongly encourage the president to avoid using any other available authorities to impose tariffs on agricultural inputs that would further increase costs,” Duvall said. “America’s farmers and ranchers need stability to ensure families across America can put food on their tables.”
It’s a long time until November’s midterms. But in battleground races where tariffs pinched the most, the recent memory of trade adventurism and the ongoing dissatisfaction with the current state of the economy could prove fatal for Republicans, said Wisconsin-based GOP strategist Craig Peterson.
“In this last year with all the tariffs and increased costs, it’s going to take a little while for folks to forget about that,” Peterson said, noting Election Day is less than nine months away. “That’s not real long, unfortunately, for the Republicans.”
Erin Doherty, Elena Schneider, Lisa Kashinsky and Adam Wren contributed reporting.
Politics
2028 Democrats say anyone can win. Voters aren’t so sure.
NEW YORK — A fear of losing again is already shaping how Democrats think about 2028.
Chants of “run again!” reverberated through the packed room as Kamala Harris spoke Friday at the National Action Network convention, a gathering of Black voters, lawmakers and power brokers that saw drop-ins from a steady stream of potential presidential candidates. But several Black attendees openly questioned whether anyone other than a straight, white man can win the White House.
“The Democratic Party, they’re going to have to consider … who can win? Who can win, Black, white, who can win?” the Rev. Kim Williams, 63, a New Yorker and registered independent said in an interview.
“I don’t think [the country is] ready for another different type of person,” said Annette Wilcox, a 69-year old New Yorker.
It’s an open question the party is grappling with in the wake of Harris’ decisive 2024 loss to President Donald Trump. Conversations with a dozen people on the sidelines of the Rev. Al Sharpton’s gathering found some lingering concerns that America remains too bigoted — and that as a result, the desire to diversify the highest reaches of government is in tension with the desire to win.
In interviews, several of the prospective 2028 Democrats themselves argued that anyone can win. They poured into the midtown Manhattan ballroom over the week to build their relationships with Black voters for what became a barely-hidden shadow primary.
Sen. Ruben Gallego, a first-term Democrat who won statewide in Arizona despite Harris losing the state, told Blue Light News on the sidelines of the convention that the party shouldn’t let fear narrow who ultimately runs.
“If you got stuck into this idea of what an ideal character is … you could potentially miss some really great talent,” said Gallego, who leaned intohis identity as a Latino veteran in his 2024 campaign.
Maryland Gov. Wes Moore, another possible 2028 candidate, said that he doesn’t “know many people back in 2022 who thought that an African American who had never held political office in his life was gonna be the next governor of Maryland.”
“People want to know, does your message meet a moment,” he added.
On stage with Sharpton on Friday, Harris seemed to agree. She made her most explicit overture at running again for the presidency, telling the audience she was “thinking about it” — to loud cheers and applause. Her appearance at the convention energized an otherwise largely staid event.
But even Harris, the first Black and South Asian woman to become vice president, has tacitly acknowledged the limitations of the country.
In her latest book, she divulged that former Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg — another 2028 contender who also made a pit-stop at NAN — was her top vice presidential pick in 2024. But she didn’t select him because she didn’t believe the country was ready for both a woman of color and a gay man in the White House.
A spokesperson for Harris declined to comment.
Some women, from former first lady Michelle Obama to various convention attendees disappointed by Harris’ 2024 loss, have said the U.S. isn’t ready for a female president.
“I believe the current climate of this country is not ready for a Black woman as president,” Aaliyah Payton, 30, a middle school teacher in the Bronx, said while waiting to see Harris speak on the third day of the convention in a line that spanned far outside the convention room.
“If Kamala Harris is running as a Democrat, and there is another white man also running as a Democrat, she would have a tough time winning,” said 60-year-old Donna Carr, who lives in New Jersey. “It’s a man’s world.”
“I’m not going to lie, it may be too soon,” said 27-year-old New Yorker Justina Peña when asked if Harris should run again.
The same handwringing roiled the 2020 Democratic presidential primary, and voters ultimately selected Joe Biden — a more moderate straight white man — to block Trump from winning a second consecutive term.
The debate within the Democratic Party over what kind of candidate is electable played out again most recently in Texas, where the Democratic Senate primary was defined by tensions over race and concerns over which candidate could unify enough Democrats, independents and disillusioned Republicans to flip the red state. Voters chose seminarian James Talarico, a white man, over political firebrand Jasmine Crockett, a Black woman, in the end.
“We saw it with the race with Crockett, and I saw a woman say she wanted to vote for Crockett, but she knew she could not win against [a] white male Republican,” said Williams, the 63-year-old reverend.
Now, those conversations are already emerging for 2028 before a single Democrat has officially announced a bid for the White House. The question over 2028 ambitions hovered over Moore, Gallego, Harris, Buttigieg, Illinois Gov. JB Pritzker, Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro and California Rep. Ro Khanna this week — and while nobody said they officially are, nobody ruled it out. Kentucky Gov. Andy Beshear and Arizona Sen. Mark Kelly are slated to speak on Saturday.
Buttigieg has dismissed concerns over his viability, including in a direct response to Harris’ revelation of why she didn’t choose him as a running mate in 2024.
“My experience in politics has been that the way that you earn trust with voters is based mostly on what they think you’re going to do for their lives, not on categories,” Buttigieg told POLITICO in a September interview.“Politics is about the results we can get for people and not about these other things.”
Some of the Black voters at the conference similarly expressed frustration with the idea that candidates’ identities should be a consideration in the looming 2028 primary.
“My concern — biggest concern — is when we get into a crisis like this in this country, people want to go to the ‘center,’ which usually is right of center in my view. A lot of people get kind of left out,” said Wilcox, the 69-year-old New York voter.
“In my experience, or history I’ve had with the Democratic Party, I feel like when that happens, Black people get tossed to the side.”
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