The Dictatorship
ICE is morphing into Trump’s secret police force before our eyes
The federal government’s aggressive immigration enforcement operation in Minneapolis is looking more and more like a siege on a city than an effort to enforce the law there.
Masked Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents are using extraordinary violence to detain residents. They are pepper-spraying and smashing the car windows of observers and activists, and tear-gassing street intersections. They are patrolling streets with rifles. Schools have shuttered because of safety concerns. And after an ICE agent shot and killed 37-year-old mother Renee Goodtensions with residents have only increased. “This is a military occupation, and it feels like a military occupation,” Elliott Payne, the president of the Minneapolis City Council, told The New York Times. There’s video footage showing Payne being shoved by an apparent agent while observing ICE behavior.
Despite lawsuits from Minnesota and objections from civil liberties groups and local residents, the Trump administration has consistently denied that ICE is behaving inappropriately and has defended its repressive tactics — including killing Good, whom it preposterously labeled a “domestic terrorist.”
The Trump administration is encouraging ICE officers to view themselves as beholden to the standards of the Trump administration rather than the law.
Something sinister is emerging. ICE isn’t behaving like a normal arm of federal law enforcement. Instead, it’s increasingly acting like a secret police force or paramilitary on behalf of President Donald Trump as it uses surveillance and violence to enact a political agenda of domination. Unfortunately, there are reasons to believe things will only get worse.
First, there is a trend toward the deprofessionalization of ICE agents during Trump’s second term. The Atlantic reported in August that “new deportation officers at ICE used to receive about five months of federal-law-enforcement training. Administration officials have cut that time roughly in half, partly by eliminating Spanish-language courses.” The magazine added that according to three officials, the academy training was shortened to 47 days because Trump is the 47th president.
Juliette Kayyem, an assistant secretary for intergovernmental affairs at the Department of Homeland Security during the Obama administration, told NPR: “You’re starting from a pool of people who are not getting the training, don’t have the time to have judgment, who are being launched in missions that are hard to describe, with a political overlay.”
Journalist Laura Jedeed applied for a job with ICE in order to assess its hiring process, and described surprise at how easy it was to get in — she said she was given a job after a six-minute interview and despite not filling out a background check form. “ICE’s recruitment push is so sloppy that the administration effectively has no idea who’s joining the agency’s ranks,” Jedeed wrote in Slate. “We’re all, collectively, in the dark about whom the state is arming, tasking with the most sensitive of law enforcement work, and then sending into America’s streets.”
(DHS posted on X that Jedeed was “NEVER offered a job at ICE” and said that she had gotten a “tentative selection letter” instead of a final one. A Slate spokesperson told The Guardian that Slate stands by its reporting and that it had evidence Jedeed was given a final offer letter and a start date.)
Moreover, DHS has gutted most of the officetasked with addressing civil rights complaints, monitoring ICE agents’ behavior, and keeping them in compliance with the law.
Put the reduction in training, the apparent poor screening, and the decreased oversight together, and you get what appears to be a more ragtag force that’s less likely to comply with policing protocols and the law and more likely to improvise based on instinct and fear. Indeed, there is evidence that ICE agents are consistently disregarding the most basic practices of policing and are using banned chokeholds and recklessly boxing in vehiclesamong other things.
Second, as the Trump administration is deprofessionalizing ICE, it’s also politicizing the agency.
DHS uses social media to present ICE as a flashy, stereotypically masculine force that personally serves Trump.
The Trump administration also constantly pushes out white nationalist propaganda in its communications with the public, implying that ICE agents are at the forefront of an operation to reshape American culture. A few days after an ICE agent killed Good, Trump’s Department of Labor posted on X“One Homeland. One People. One Heritage. Remember who you are, American.” Christopher Hayes, a labor historian and professor at Rutgers University, told the Guardian that the post’s similarity to a Nazi slogan was “bad” and expressed concern over “the motivation behind it, the message, the sentiment and desired outcome.” (The Guardian reported that The Department of Labor did not comment on the agency’s specific rhetoric on social media, but a spokesperson said, “The social media campaign was created to celebrate American workers and the American Dream.”) And DHS has used social media to share paintings tied to the theme of “manifest destiny,” encouraging Americans to celebrate the country’s history of ethnic cleansing and racial domination. The White House has also posted images and videos mocking chained and crying immigrants who have been detained.
The Washington Post reports that during Trump’s second term, ICE’s public affairs arm “has rapidly transformed into an influencer-style media machine” that has tried to glamorize the detainment of immigrants through extensive video footage of raids. It even shared apparently exclusive footage with Charlie Kirk, and other right-wing media figures, for a boost. David Lapan, a DHS press secretary during Trump’s first term (and now a critic of the president’s), told the Post, “We were supposed to present the facts, not hype things up. But this veers into propaganda, into creating fear.”
ICE’s ranks more than doubled in 2025 alone, so a majority of its forces came on during an administration that wants officers to see their jobs through an overtly political, militarized lens.
Third, the Trump administration also appears to be giving ICE officers carte blanche to use force and protecting it from legal accountability. After Good was killed, the Trump administration swiftly sided with the ICE officer who pulled the trigger, deeming Good a “terrorist,” and blocking Minnesota officials from investigating the shooting, claiming they couldn’t be trusted. Instead, Trump’s politicized FBI will now be handling the matter.
The message is clear: The Trump administration is encouraging ICE officers to view themselves as beholden to the standards of the Trump administration rather than the law.
Compounding this impunity is a culture of mask-wearing among ICE agents, which makes it far harder for citizens to hold them accountable for misconduct, or even understand what they are doing. Complaints from the public have spurred lawmakers in Minnesota to work on legislation banning law enforcement from wearing masks in the state, although they do not expected federal agents to comply with the state law.
ICE is transforming before our eyes into a secret police force. Its officers largely operate with their faces covered, making it impossible for the public to link individual officers with specific acts of abuse. The agency’s work is increasingly political and unprofessional, and the administration encourages it to see the law as an inconvenience instead of a hard line. One wonders how far Trump will allow ICE to go in its ostensible mission of enhancing immigration enforcement. But it’s already clear that it has no problem with creating a shadowy security force that does the administration’s bidding, to the great harm of the American public.
Zeeshan Aleem is a writer for MS NOW. Sign up for his newsletter.
The Dictatorship
What Tom Emmer said about Somalis was racist. What’s worse is he doesn’t believe it.
ByMichael Tisserand
There was a time when President Donald Trump and MAGA Republicans didn’t think House Majority Whip Tom Emmer, R-Minn., had a sufficient understanding of who his enemies ought to be. But in remarks he made Wednesday at a Capitol Hill event sponsored by Ralph Reed’s Faith & Freedom Coalition, Emmer did his best to signal that Trump’s enemies are his enemies, too.
Emmer’s 11-minute talk, during which he expressed racism and transphobia and railed against abortion, also served as yet another contrast to the memory of what Republicans in Minnesota used to be. The name of the state party used to be Independent-Republicansand the late U.S. Sen. Dave Durenberger used to describe the state party’s worldview, without irony, as progressive Republicanism.
Emmer’s talk served as yet another contrast to the memory of what Republicans in Minnesota used to be.
That party is long gone. At Wednesday’s event, Emmer theatrically dismissed a few sheets of paper he said were his talking points and proclaimed, Trump-like, that he was going rogue. He took aim at transgender youth (“there’s a reason why Sodom and Gomorrah was destroyed”), at “elite radical lefties,” at “evil Marxists,” at the media, called his state’s abortion laws “as bad as North Korea” and called the state itself the “People’s Republic of Minnesota.”
But Emmer earned some of the most enthusiastic applause in his racist rant against the state’s large Somali American population. “Sometimes Minnesotans are so afraid that you’re going to call us a racist, you’re going to call us an Islamophobe,” he said, before saying, “But I’m done being careful. Even the least bit careful.”
He said, “I don’t really care where you come from. But if come to this great country, you have to understand, you’re coming here to be an American.” Somalis “don’t assimilate,” he said, “And if they don’t assimilate, then they should go the hell back to where they came from.”
Among the people who responded angrily to Emmer’s slander of Somalis was Rep. Ilhan Omar, D-Minn., who was born in Somalia. “I assimilated all the way to Congress and this idiot still tells me to go back to where I came from,” she wrote on X.
In the debacle that followed Kevin McCarthy being voted out of the House speakership in 2023, Emmer was not elected to replace him because, by MAGA standards, he was too moderate. Trump called him a “Globalist RINO” and was still fuming that after Joe Biden won the race for president in 2020, Emmer voted to certify that election.
Emmer has worked harder to be seen as MAGA since then. In December, he appeared on “Varney & Co.” on Fox Business to support an Immigration and Customs Enforcement surge that made Somalis among its primary targets and became known as Operation Metro Surge. He offered up conspiracy theories and lies about Somali Americans committing 80% of the crime in the Twin Cities. He said money was being stolen from Minnesota state and federal programs to fund the Somali-based terrorist group al-Shabab.
When he signed up with the so-called Sharia Free America Caucus in February, he railed against letting “anti-American ideologies take root in our communities” and said he had been fighting against the nonexistent threat of Sharia law since he was a state legislator. I was unable to find stories of Emmer as a state legislator fearmongering about Sharia law. However, in 2015, when one of Emmer’s fellow Republicans was being rightly rebuked for attending an anti-Muslim event in St. Cloud, Emmer was a voice of reason and tolerance. He wanted his constituents to know that Somali Americans were contributing to the Minnesota communities they had made home and that they were “some of the fastest-assimilating populations.”
That same year, Emmer joined then-Rep. Keith Ellison, the Democrat who’s now the state’s attorney general, to found the Congressional Somalia Caucus: to help Somali Americans here and to promote peace and stability in Somalia.
Now Ellison is taking the lead in legal challenges against the ICE assaults Emmer champions.
This is the ticket into MAGA world: an embrace of abdication of decency and a necessary rejection of the spirit of welcome and tolerance one once held.
This is the ticket into MAGA world.
In April, a west central Minnesota event called “Understanding Immigration: A Community Conversation,” included Ayan Omar, a Somali American from St. Cloud, as a speaker. She works as equity director for the public schools and has been active in interfaith dialogues in the city.
Omar spoke of coming to the U.S. as a child, learning English by watching “The Simpsons” and learning self-value by watching “Mr. Rogers’ Neighborhood.” The message from Mr. Rogers, she said, was especially important because “I just wanted to cower and hide away because I stood out. Not only because I was a Somali-American refugee, but I was also poor.” It was learning about Frederick Douglass that inspired her to become a teacher.
What she was describing was the process of her becoming more and more American. Countless other Somali Americans have had similar experiences. OEmmer knows that.
And not so long ago, he wasn’t afraid to say it.
Michael Tisserand
Michael Tisserand is a Minnesota-based writer whose works include “Krazy,” a biography of cartoonist George Herriman, and Sugarcane Academy, a memoir of his family’s experiences of Hurricane Katrina. With support from a Guggenheim Fellowship, he is currently writing a book about Charlie Chaplin and “The Great Dictator,” for Oxford University Press.
An appeals court on Friday upheld Harvey Weinstein’s2022 rape and sexual assault conviction in California, but ordered the trial judge who gave him 16 years in prison to resentence him.
A three-judge panel from California’s 2nd District Court of Appeal unanimously issued the decision, saying his trial judge did not violate the former movie magnate’s constitutional rights.
“We reject his attempts to disturb the jury’s guilty verdicts,” the judges wrote in their opinion.
Weinstein spokesperson Juda Engelmayer said in an email that “We are disappointed by today’s decision and respectfully disagree with the Court of Appeal’s conclusions regarding the fairness of Mr. Weinstein’s trial. At the same time, the court correctly recognized that his sentence cannot stand.”
The decision came a day after prosecutors in New York decided Weinstein would not face a fourth trial there, dropping the #MeToo-era case after the accuser said she could not bear to testify again.
The California panel said that resentencing was necessary because the judge that sentenced him considered New York convictions that were later thrown out as an aggravating factor. California’s attorney general agreed.
Weinstein, 74, still stands convicted of another sexual felony in New York, and he remains behind bars awaiting a September sentencing there. Prosecutors there are seeking a 20-year prison term.
In California, Weinstein was convicted in December 2022 of one count of rape and two counts of sexual assault against an Italian model and actor known during the trial as Jane Doe 1. He would serve his new sentence there only after his New York term is complete.
After the trial, Jane Doe 1 came forward under her name, Evgeniya Chernyshova, when she sued Weinstein in civil court.
The Associated Press does not typically name people who say they have been sexually abused unless they come forward publicly as Chernyshova did. Her attorney also said she consented to being named.
Chernyshova testified that Weinstein arrived uninvited to her hotel room during the 2013 LA Italia Film Festival and assaulted her.
Weinstein’s defense argued that Weinstein deserved a new trial because Los Angeles Superior Court Judge Lisa B. Lench wrongly prevented his trial lawyers from asking about Facebook messages between Chernyshova and festival head Pascal Vicedomini that would have shown they had a sexual relationship.
The questioning would have demonstrated that she perjured herself when she said she and Vicedomini were just friends and colleagues, the defense said. And the lawyers argued it would have bolstered their assertion that she was not even in her room on the night of the alleged assault.
“The lower court all but gutted Mr. Weinstein’s defense,” attorney Jennifer Bonjean told the appeals judges at April 23 oral arguments.
But the appeals court said in its ruling that Weinstein did make the arguments he wanted during the trial based on other evidence, including another set of Facebook messages that Lench allowed.
“Thus, there was no denial of Weinstein’s constitutional right to present a defense,” the panel wrote in its opinion.
The three judges also found that Weinstein’s lawyers failed to adhere to California’s rape shield law prohibiting evidence of an accuser’s sexual history when they tried to introduce the messages. Weinstein’s lawyers had argued that the shield law was not pertinent because they wanted to use the messages only to impeach the witness’s credibility.
And the appeals judges said testimony from accusers describing sexual assaults Weinstein was not charged with was appropriate, and allowed under state law.
Before his sentencing, Weinstein told the judge that this was a “made-up story” from a woman he had never met.
The Los Angeles jury acquitted Weinstein of the sexual battery of a massage therapist and failed to reach verdicts on counts involving two other women.
“This is not the end of the appellate process,” Engelmayer said in his email Friday. “We intend to seek review in the California Supreme Court because we continue to believe significant legal errors affected the proceedings and warrant further review.”
The Los Angeles County District Attorney’s Office said it would not have comment on the decision until the office reviewed it.
An email seeking comment from Chernyshova’s attorney was not immediately answered.
ByGarry Pierre-Pierre
One of the first people, and the very first doctor, to publicly receive a Covid-19 vaccine in the United States was Dr. Yves Duroseauthe chair of emergency medicine at Lenox Hill Hospital in Manhattan.
At a time when fear had emptied city streets and refrigerated trucks were lined up near hospital loading docksthat son of Haiti was a face of hope.
For Haitians, that image carried a deeper resonance. Ours is a community that America has often noticed only in moments of crisis. For once, the country was looking at a Haitian because he represented hope.
Ours is a community that America often noticed only in moments of crisis.
That memory from five and a half years ago is one reason the Supreme Court’s decision Thursday allowing the Trump administration to end Temporary Protected Status for hundreds of thousands of Haitians and Syrians hit me so hard. Not with anger, but with deep sadness.
When I took the oath of citizenship decades ago, I believed America rewarded commitment with belonging. I still want to believe that. Thursday’s ruling suggests that, for some immigrants, the word “temporary” didn’t just describe their legal status but the nature of America’s welcome.
The first TPS recipients from Haiti arrived after the magnitude 7 earthquake that devastated Port-au-Prince and killed hundreds of thousands of people in 2010. Today, Haiti faces a different catastrophe. Armed gangs control much of the capitalthousands have been killed or displaced and the State Department continues to warn Americans not to travel there.
For many TPS holders, the country they fled has not recovered. In many ways, it has become even more dangerous.
They believed something basic: that the United States would not send them back to a country engulfed by political violence, armed gangs and institutional collapse. TPS was created for those for whom returning home is unsafe. That humanitarian commitment should matter just as much as the lives those TPS holders have built since arriving.
They waited for Congress to do what some members had pushed for for years: create a pathway from temporary protection to permanent belonging. Instead, the years passed. Children became adults. Mortgages were paid. Careers were built. Entire lives unfolded while Washington postponed action. Temporary Protected Status became less a bridge than a waiting room. The finish line kept moving. Now, for many, it has disappeared altogether.
During the Covid-19 pandemic, Haitian nurses, home health aides and other essential workers were hailed as heroes. Their work was indispensable then, and healthcare leaders say it remains indispensable today.
This dependence is not sentimental. It is measurable. The Boston Globe, citing data from the National Domestic Workers Alliancereported that roughly 13,000 Haitian TPS holders work as nursing assistants each day, caring for an estimated 65,000 patients.
According to a report by Massachusetts lawmakers Sen. Ed Markey and Rep. Ayanna Pressley, ending TPS for Haitians “threatens to seriously disrupt the health care, senior care and disability care workforces amid a nationwide health care crisis and persistent staffing shortages.”
Roughly 13,000 Haitian TPS holders work as nursing assistants each day, caring for an estimated 65,000 patients.
There is nothing temporary about the lives these TPS holders have built. There is nothing temporary about paying taxes for decades, buying a home, planting a garden or knowing your neighbors by name. There is nothing temporary about raising children who begin each school day by pledging allegiance to the flag of the United States of America. There is nothing temporary about risking your life to care for strangers during a once-in-a-century pandemic.
I never imagined that, decades after taking my own oath of citizenship, I would be writing about a generation of immigrants who walked that same path with the same faith only to discover that the road ended before they reached their destination.
As the nation celebrates its 250th birthday, it must also confront a question that has shadowed much of its history: Who gets to belong?
Too often, America has answered that question by welcoming people when their labor is needed most, only to question their place later.
Perhaps that is the greatest irony of all. The people we continue to call temporary have spent years proving their commitment to this country. This ruling is bigger than Haitians or Syrians. It speaks to the covenant a nation makes with the people who answer its call during moments of need.
Though that process has never been smooth, America has always been at its best when it expanded the circle of belonging. Italians, Jews, Asians and even Black Americans born here were all told at one time that they could never fully be American. The country was not diminished by widening the definition of who belongs — it was strengthened by it.
The question is no longer whether Haitians who have their built lives here belong. They have answered that question through years of work, sacrifice and service.
The question is whether America still remembers what it means to be a country that welcomes immigrants.
The U.S. has every right to enforce its immigration laws. But laws do not exist in a vacuum.
The U.S. has every right to enforce its immigration laws. But laws do not exist in a vacuum. They also reflect the promises a nation makes about who belongs. After more than 16 years, the Haitians affected by Thursday’s ruling are no longer strangers passing through. They are co-workers, parishioners, homeowners and taxpayers woven into the fabric of neighborhoods from New York to Florida to Massachusetts.
Pull one thread and you do more than remove one person. You weaken the fabric itself.
Garry Pierre-Pierre
Garry Pierre-Pierre is a Pulitzer-prize winning, multimedia and entrepreneurial journalist. In 1999, he left The New York Times to launch the Haitian Times, a New York-based English-language publication serving the Haitian diaspora. He is also the co-founder of the City University Graduate School of Journalism‘s Center for Community and Ethnic Media and a senior producer at CUNY TV
- What Tom Emmer said about Somalis was racist. What’s worse is he doesn’t believe it.
- Harvey Weinstein’s California rape conviction upheld, resentencing ordered
- Haitians with Temporary Protected Status deserved better from the Supreme Court
- Friday’s Mini-Report, 6.26.26
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- Megyn Kelly after Supreme Court TPS decision: ‘Go back to f—ing Haiti’
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