Congress
Schumer’s ubiquity in New York fades as headaches in Washington mount
ALBANY, New York — Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer’s omnipresence in New York state politics has been his calling card for the past three decades — until now.
New York’s senior senator has delivered hundreds of college commencement addresses over the years and made countless cameos at everything from parades to road races to strangers’ barbecues. Locally, nothing has defined his brand more than a 26-year streak of annual visits to each of the state’s 62 counties.
But Schumer has been largely absent of late: He only made official visits to 30 of the 57 counties outside of New York City as Thanksgiving nears and he toned down his presence on the commencement address circuit this spring. The senator has also been anything but a kingmaker in a changing state Democratic party — notably opting out of endorsing in this year’s New York City mayoral race as Zohran Mamdani drove turnout to levels not seen since the 1960s.
Democrats across the spectrum attribute his relative absence in the Empire State to the increasingly all-consuming nature of the current Washington landscape. Much of his energy there has been spent negotiating a path out of the federal government shutdown, an effort that isn’t winning him many friends among the party faithful at home.
“We’re in a new moment we’ve never been in before,” said Jasmine Gripper, co-director of the state Working Families Party. “The reality is I’m not sure if New Yorkers really want Chuck Schumer showing up in their backyards. What I really want to know is that Chuck Schumer is in D.C. fighting to protect our democracy.”
Those fights in Washington have done nothing to boost his political standing. His vote to keep the government open in March antagonized the left. His refusal to do so in September angered the right. Now, his inability to keep his conference united has upset not just the left, with some progressives calling for his resignation, but has left moderates like Gov. Kathy Hochul fuming over the lack of unity in the conference Schumer leads. That weakness has stoked talk of a potential primary challenge from a younger, more progressive opponent like Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez.
If the 74-year-old senator wants to rebound before he potentially seeks a sixth term in 2028 — which would keep him in office until he’s 84 — it’s becoming increasingly apparent he’ll need to do so without his traditional style of obsessively local politicking: If the White House eliminates an executive agency on a Friday, for example, Schumer would risk exposing himself to horrible optics if he spent the weekend, say, back in New York fighting to reduce goose droppings. Or looking to ban inhalable caffeine. Or going to war against metal barbeque brushes.
But Schumer’s team has suggested that reading the tea leaves of his schedule too deeply would be misguided.
“Current challenges in D.C., including the Trump shutdown, require his presence and leadership,” Schumer spokesman Angelo Roefaro said. “He is working ‘round the clock to deliver on behalf of New Yorkers, including the fight for affordable health care — all while President Trump recklessly attacks everything from the Second Avenue subway and Gateway to Medicaid.”
Critics, however, say it’s evidence he’s slowing down.
“He’s phasing himself out. I don’t think he’ll run in 2028,” New York GOP chair Ed Cox said. “He’s getting old and he knows where the country is. He also knows where his party is, and that AOC can easily beat him.”
Chuck Around NY
The most famous form of Schumer’s ubiquitousness has been his practice of crashing college graduation ceremonies every Saturday in June. Countless families have stories. And many of those yarns follow a similar trajectory: like attending a daughter’s commencement in Buffalo and hearing the senator discuss the time he was dumped by a girl and lost a scholarship — then attending their son’s event on Long Island the next year and hearing the same exact speech. He once delivered 15 commencement addresses in nine days.
As recently as 2023, social media posts indicate he showed up at Brooklyn College, SUNY Albany, the New York City College of Technology, Hunter College, Fordham Law, SUNY Stony Brook, John Jay and SUNY Cortland. The only mention in student newspapers or on three major social media sites about Schumer’s attendance at a commencement this June came from the Fordham Observer, which reported the regular attendee was “notably absent.”
Schumer’s website tags certain events with a “Chuck Around New York” label to showcase his stops around the state that form the basis for his 62 county boast. He spent decades topping 150 news conferences in New York each year. In 2010, he managed to hit 283.
But the number began to drop when he was elevated in the Senate and became Democratic leader in 2017. His highest total since then was 124 stops across the state in 2019.
His local appearances have dropped off even more this year. He was at only 44 official visits in mid-November, on pace for a record low. Those visits cover only 48 percent of the state’s counties with the new year fast approaching. The most recent event listed occurred on Sept. 15.
There are certainly plenty of informal appearances that aren’t included in the tallies of his stops. In the past few months, Schumer has stopped by the Buffalo Bills’ training camp, marched in New York City’s Labor Day Parade, and joined a No Kings Protest. But that’s also true in past years — and by many anecdotal accounts, these cameos have been less common as the senator is stuck spending time near the Potomac more often than he is near the Hudson.
Roefaro insisted the minority leader has kept busy on the homefront.
“As he has for every year in the Senate, Senator Schumer continues to crisscross the state’s 62 counties and New York City’s five boroughs,” he said. “The senator has a track record of success and an indefatigable omnipresence that will continue to power these efforts.”
Sunday presser fatigue
The senator often topped 60 percent favorability in polls a decade ago. But that dipped once he became leader, with him hovering for several years with numbers along the lines of 50-38.
This year, he’s hit record lows among numerous pollsters, repeatedly landing with a favorability rating closer to 35 percent.
“There was a large percentage of Republicans who liked Chuck Schumer,” Siena spokesman Steve Greenberg said. “But once he became minority leader, he was seen — understandably so — as a much more partisan figure, and as a result lost a lot of Republicans.”
Schumer’s favorability among Republicans has fallen from 49-39 to 22-71 over the past decade. He’s seen a nearly equal drop among Democrats too: The senator has gone from 73-16 to 47-42.
Democrats are now also judging Schumer largely based on his role as it pertains to the White House. And it’s clear plenty in his own party aren’t happy: He canceled a book tour in the spring over “security concerns” once progressives started assailing him for his role in advancing a Republican funding plan, and he wasbooed at the Metropolitan Opera in September for not supporting Mamdani.
All of it adds up to a tougher landscape to engage in the retail politicking that has driven his success for so long.
Schumer was once widely known as the man who invented the Sunday press conference. Whether he was spending the end of the weekend in Chateaugay bemoaning an attempt to trademark the word “parmesan,” or announcing millions of dollars of transportation funding on Long Island, he found ways to dominate the news cycle on a day when not much else was happening.
His last “Chuck Around New York” appearance in New York on a Sunday came when he attended Rep. George Latimer’s ceremonial oath of office in January.
Fast forward to the fall, and the political headaches have only mounted for Schumer.
Perhaps the biggest takeaway of last week’s elections is that New York City Democrats are open to a generational shift in leadership. Schumer hails from two political generations ago — New Year’s Day, 1975, his first in the state Assembly, was the same day Mario Cuomo began his career in state government. That was 17 years before Mamdani was born.
And the Mamdani faction certainly isn’t rushing to embrace the minority leader.
“We gotta go,” the mayor-elect said when asked by Blue Light News last week whether Schumer should face a 2028 challenge.
Mamdani had lunch with Ocasio-Cortez that same day.
While Schumer was a no vote on the Senate’s compromise plan, it’s clear that even moderate Democrats aren’t happy with the way his conference handled it: “This deal paves the way for devastating premium hikes that will drive up costs for New Yorkers,” said Gov. Kathy Hochul, a rare critic of her fellow party members.
And fairly or not, political observers are getting the message that Schumer’s to blame for the compromise.
“Either all eight senators who voted to capitulate coincidentally are not up for reelection in 2026, or Chuck Schumer worked behind the scenes to give into the Republicans while still protecting vulnerable Democrats — including himself,” Jon Stewart said Monday night on the Daily Show.
All that being said, plenty of time remains for Schumer to increase his visibility before a reelection run. And even his past foes say it’s too soon to count him out.
“Don’t underestimate Sen. Schumer,” said former Sen. Al D’Amato, who was ousted by Schumer in 1998. “He’s tough, he’s in a difficult position right now, but the election is almost three years away. So I wouldn’t predict his demise — and I think those who do are making a mistake.”
Congress
Why Kristi Noem’s ouster could mean trouble for Pam Bondi
Attorney General Pam Bondi was already in trouble with congressional Republicans. Now she could be facing an even more existential threat to her political future after President Donald Trump ousted Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem, showing his willingness to ax Cabinet members who lose trust within the GOP.
Bondi is under intense scrutiny for her handling of the Jeffrey Epstein files. As many as 20 Republicans might be prepared to back an effort to render punishment against the nation’s top prosecutor for slowwalking the materials’ release, according to the Democrat helping lead the charge. And five Republicans joined with Democrats on the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee Wednesday to subpoena her testimony.
The White House is signaling confidence in Bondi’s leadership. Abigail Jackson, a White House spokesperson, pointed to Trump’s remarks Thursday during an unrelated news event where he called Bondi a “terrific person” who is proving “how tough she is and I think the next three years she’s going to really prove it.”
“Attorney General Pam Bondi has worked tirelessly to successfully implement the President’s law and order agenda,” Jackson said in a statement. “The President has full faith in the Attorney General.”
Justice Department spokesperson Natalie Baldassarre in a statement extolled what the attorney general has done to deliver transparency in the Epstein case and comply with the bill passed by Congress that mandated the files’ release. She said those lawmakers who remain critical of the administration “refuse to accept the truth.”
“These members know we are not hiding anything, and their laughable antics to score cheap political points at the expense of victims will not sway our mission to uphold the rule of law and keep the American people safe,” said Baldassarre, who also provided a bulleted list of “DOJ Wins” and a handful of quotes from Congressional Republicans lauding the attorney general.
And to be sure, Noem’s situation was unique. She oversaw an agency whose federal immigration enforcement agents shot and killed two U.S. citizens in Minnesota, faced questions about whether she spent hundreds of millions of taxpayer dollars on a self-promotional ad campaign and clashed with border czar Tom Homan.
But Noem’s back-to-back disastrous congressional hearings this past week laid bare the extreme lack of confidence among Republicans in the outgoing secretary’s leadership, and revealed the extent to which Trump can be influenced by the sentiment of lawmakers in his party. For Bondi, the situation is becoming increasingly dire.
Asked whether he believed Bondi continued to have support among House Republicans, Rep. Tim Burchett (R-Tenn.), who voted to subpoena Bondi in committee, responded, “I don’t know.”
“I just think it’s time to get some answers,” he added. “She’s in the batter’s box. I’d say … let her hit.”
Democrats are also preparing to train all their attention on Bondi now that Noem is no longer a top political target.
In a news conference Thursday, House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries said Bondi and White House deputy chief of staff Stephen Miller — an architect of the Trump administration’s aggressive immigration enforcement agenda — have “got to go.”
“We’re going to approach those two toxic individuals with the same intensity that has now led to the termination of Kristi Noem,” Jeffries added.
Bondi is not the only other high ranking administration official who remains under the microscope on Blue Light News. Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick is also facing calls from Democrats to resign for not previously disclosing the full extent of his ties to Epstein, though he has not been charged with any wrongdoing.
One House Republican, Rep. Nancy Mace of South Carolina, had plans to formally call for an Oversight Committee vote to subpoena his testimony — an outcome Lutnick preempted by announcing he would sit for a transcribed interview with members of the panel voluntarily.
Bondi, however, has absorbed the brunt of GOP ire. For months, her handling of the case against convicted sex offender Epstein has spurred outrage from a swath of the MAGA base, which clamored for years for the federal government to release the case materials in its possession and begin to hold powerful people to account for their crimes.
The DOJ’s decision last July to withhold further Epstein-related information, even after Bondi at one point boasted about having Epstein’s so-called client list on her desk, prompted an all-out revolt in Congress. It culminated in the passage of legislation, co-sponsored by Reps. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) and Ro Khanna (D-Calif.), forcing the department to make all the files public.
Under Bondi’s leadership, the DOJ ultimately blew past the statutory deadline to comply with the new law. Officials later claimed the department had fulfilled all its obligations, despite withholding case files and making redactions that appeared to go beyond the scope of what the bill permitted.
“I’m not impressed with Bondi on the Epstein files, and I’ll make that abundantly clear when I depose her whenever that day comes,” said Mace, who brought the motion in the Oversight hearing Wednesday to subpoena the attorney general. “She’s lost a lot of support among the base [and] up here as well.”
Senior House Republicans have since last summer been perplexed and often alarmed by Bondi’s handling of the Epstein matter, with even some members of Speaker Mike Johnson’s leadership team privately arguing her decisions fueled the House GOP rebellion over the Epstein case, according to four people granted anonymity to share direct knowledge of the situation.
GOP leaders now are aware that Bondi could stir more fallout on Blue Light News if she testifies as expected. One senior Republican, granted anonymity to speak candidly, described her judgement as “not good on Epstein,” adding, “it certainly hasn’t helped us.”
Among the potential political liabilities for Bondi: an ongoing bipartisan effort to try to hold her in inherent contempt. Such a measure, which has not been deployed successfully in decades, would allow the House to impose its own punishment on Bondi — including potentially permitting the chamber’s sergeant-at-arms to take her into custody.
Khanna said he and Massie had discussed that they would have “20 Republicans who may be open to a contempt filing if she doesn’t release more files … I do believe she’s in trouble.”
Under pressure, the Justice Department released more Epstein files late Thursday, including witness interviews with a woman who claimed she was sexually assaulted by Trump when she was young. The president has denied any wrongdoing in connection with Epstein and has not been charged with a crime, and the White House has said the accusations are baseless and lack credibility.
Oversight Democrats had previously announced they were looking into the potential withholding of those specific materials containing the woman’s allegation. None indicated Friday the department’s actions were satisfactory.
“The world is watching as Pam Bondi continues to aid this White House cover-up,” said the panel’s top Democrat, Rep. Robert Garcia of California, in a statement Friday morning. “We look forward to having her testify under oath before the Oversight Committee as soon as possible.”
Oversight Chair James Comer (R-Ky.) said his members are “trying to get an update” on where the DOJ stands with the Epstein files. Asked whether Bondi is on shaky ground, he said, “I have no idea. You’ll have to ask the president.”
Still, some House Republicans insist Bondi maintains broad support within their conference and that the Oversight members are outliers who don’t represent the consensus view of the party.
“There are several members of that committee that are perhaps seeking higher office,” said Rep. Lance Gooden (R-Texas). “I don’t know if intentions are always pure.”
Mace is running for governor. The other four who voted to subpoena Bondi — Burchett and Reps. Lauren Boebert of Colorado, Scott Perry of Pennsylvania and Michael Cloud of Texas — are seeking reelection to the House.
Their actions also suggest they are making a broader political calculation — that their voters see the Epstein case as a potent issue that could carry weight heading into election season.
Boebert said Thursday she had no intention to “go after” the attorney general but is eager to find out why the federal Epstein investigation has not yet resulted in further accountability or prosecutions.
Massie, who does not sit on the Oversight panel but questioned Bondi last month at a combative House Judiciary hearing, said he believed the closed-door setting afforded by a sworn deposition would give Bondi the opportunity to provide more substantive testimony.
He suspected that his Republican colleagues would act increasingly independent of the White House in the coming months, as more lawmakers choose to retire and primary season passes. He also pointed to Noem as evidence that Trump’s cabinet members are dispensable.
“I guess it shows it’s possible that he would, you know, replace people,” Massie said.
Meredith Lee Hill, Mia McCarthy, Kyle Cheney and Erica Orden contributed to this report.
Congress
Republicans confront the massive cost of Trump’s Middle East war
Republicans on Capitol Hill are preparing to confront a staggering price tag for the war in the Middle East after closed-door briefings this week detailed the rapid consumption of expensive munitions and the lack of any firm deadline for the end of the military campaign.
Asked how much the Iran offensive would cost, House Appropriations Chair Tom Cole (R-Okla.) didn’t sugarcoat it.
“A lot,” he replied.
Senior Republicans privately expect President Donald Trump’s administration to request tens of billions of dollars for the Middle East conflict and other military needs from Congress in the coming days, with some GOP lawmakers hearing estimates that the Pentagon is spending as much as $2 billion a day on the war.
Three F-15E jets shot down by friendly fire in Kuwait are estimated to cost $100 million alone. But Trump officials in private briefings have declined to give lawmakers any specific numbers, according to six congressional Republicans granted anonymity to describe the internal discussions.
A White House request for supplemental funding could further balloon once it hits Capitol Hill, according to four other people with direct knowledge of the matter. Farm-state Republicans want an additional $15 billion in tariff relief for farmers, while others float adding tens of billions of dollars in wildfire aid to get enough Democratic support to pass the massive bill.
The prospect of a growing new spending measure has GOP leaders bracing for a messy internal fight, with fiscal hawks who have long decried “forever wars” and bloated Pentagon budgets deeply unsettled by some of the cost estimates flying around on Capitol Hill. At the very least, some are planning to demand offsetting spending cuts.
“I haven’t seen any specifics … but if it’s unpaid-for, I generally have an issue,” Rep. Russ Fulcher (R-Idaho) said.
Another House Republican granted anonymity to describe the conversations among GOP hard-liners said, “It’s not a ‘hell no,’ but it should be offset somehow.”
The topic is now looming over next week’s House Republican policy retreat, which kicks off Monday with a speech from Trump at the president’s resort in Doral, Florida. If the administration sends its formal funding request in the coming days, House GOP leaders will be forced to confront the issue head on.
At least some are expressing unqualified early support for any administration request. House Foreign Affairs Chair Brian Mast (R-Fla.), for instance, said in an interview this week he is ready to support an emergency funding bill spending tens of billions of dollars on the Iran operation alone.
That sentiment could be challenged by the congressional Republicans who are privately wary of the open-ended timeline and shifting rationales for the war. One House Republican recently remarked that Trump’s pledge to do “whatever” it takes, including entertaining boots on the ground, sounded like “President Lyndon Johnson going into Vietnam.”
Rep. Ryan Mackenzie, a vulnerable Pennsylvania Republican, noted that “as much as we need to neutralize their capabilities to continue to attack us, we do also need to make sure that we don’t get dragged into a forever war.”
Asked in an interview if Congress is ready to approve a $50 billion Pentagon funding package, Speaker Mike Johnson replied that he didn’t know the specific number yet but Congress would pass the bill “when it’s appropriate and get it right.”
“We’re waiting on the White House and [the Pentagon] to let us know, but we have an open dialogue about it,” Johnson said.
House Majority Leader Steve Scalise, who is attuned to the spending concerns among the fiscal hawks inside the GOP ranks, demurred when asked about the potential for a $50 billion package.
“We’re still just in the first few days of this conflict, and there’s no ask yet from the Department of War for a supplemental,” Scalise said in an interview Wednesday.
He referenced the laborious talks ahead: “When that time comes, we’ll obviously have very serious conversations, because it’s important that the Department of War have the tools they need to keep America safe.”
A bigger potential headache is brewing for Johnson as members of his conference debate whether additional military funding should go in a much-discussed but long-shot budget reconciliation bill. That could move to Trump’s desk along party lines without Democratic support, but only if Republicans are almost completely unified.
House Budget Chair Jodey Arrington (R-Texas) said in an interview this week he expected the chamber to move forward on an initial emergency funding bill but that a second filibuster-skirting megabill could contain additional Pentagon spending, along with some possible offsetting cuts.
“It’s not just for the current conflict,” Arrington said. “There are things that need to be retooled fundamentally at the Defense Department, and the president’s team is making a really good case for that.”
Rep. Ralph Norman, one GOP hard-liner who has objected in the past to big Pentagon budgets, now says he would “absolutely” support a $50 billion bill without offsets.
“I don’t like it, but with what this president’s doing with income — the GDP is increasing, the money he’s bringing in for other investments — to handicap him on that, that’s a problem,” said Norman, who is running for South Carolina governor and seeking Trump’s support.
In the Senate, some GOP appropriators are cautioning that any war funding bill will be a big lift — and warning the administration to get specific, and fast.
Sen. Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska), a senior member of the Defense Appropriations subcommittee, said the “administration should not be taking anything for granted.”
“If they come to us at the end of the month and say, ‘This is what we want, and basically, deliver the votes’ … it’s not a winning strategy, in my view,” she said. “You’ve got to start making the case.”
Katherine Tully-McManus and Jennifer Scholtes contributed to this report.
Congress
GOP fundraiser with Hegseth scrapped amid Iran War buildup
Rep. Zach Nunn has postponed a planned “Top Gun” themed fundraiser with Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth that had drawn criticism over its timing — at the start of a war that has already resulted in U.S. casualties.
The Iowa Republican announced the postponement Thursday on social media.
Nunn had said Hegseth would appear at the fundraiser on Saturday, hours after the initial U.S.-Israeli airstrikes in Iran. The event, called “Top Nunn” and billed as a “salute to the troops,” was scheduled for later this month in a Des Moines suburb.
On Tuesday, the Pentagon publicly identified the first U.S. deaths in the war, troops who were killed by an Iranian drone strike in Kuwait. The six soldiers were assigned to an Army Reserve command based in Nunn’s district, and two of them were from Iowa.
The announcement of the fundraiser drew strong condemnation from Democrats, who accused Hegseth of leveraging the war for political purposes. Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee spokesperson Katie Smith attacked Nunn’s event as “callous and disqualifying” in a statement on Wednesday.
Nunn, a former intelligence officer for the Air Force, explained the postponement in a social media post while offering condolences to the families of the troops who were killed.
“Operation TOP NUNN is postponed. We will have more to share about the event soon, and all ticket holders will be notified of the new date,” Nunn said. “Our prayers are with the families and our action is with our troops on the frontlines.”
Nunn said he plans to attend the arrival of the remains of the six soldiers at Dover Air Force Base on Saturday along with President Donald Trump.
Nunn paid his respects to the six soldiers in a speech on the House floor Thursday and led a moment of silence.
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