The Dictatorship
There’s a reason the world can’t seem to look away from the breathtaking Louvre heist
I recently rewatched — for the thousandth time — the 2001 film “Ocean’s Eleven.” Oscar-winning director Steven Soderbergh’s stylish crime thriller, with a cast of superstars including George Clooney, Brad Pitt and Matt Damon, revolves around a team of smooth-talking, charismatic rogues who knock over three casinos in one night. It has long been one of my comfort movies, because I love stories where rascals do a good job. But this particular viewing was also perfectly timed, because a real-life “Ocean’s Eleven” played out in France.
I’ve had heists on my mind since the brazen smash-and-grab of more than $100 million in jewels from the Louvre in Paris. This past Sunday, around 9:30 a.m., a team of thieves entered the museum by breaking through a second-floor window, busted open three displays and, within four minutes, spirited away with Napoleonic-era treasures.
We live in a golden age of high-profile (though not always successful) plunder.
It was a breathtaking crime at what was thought to be an impregnable home of some of the world’s most famous artworks, including the “Mona Lisa” and the Venus de Milo. But the thieves instead targeted jewelry that once belonged to the French royal family and that, according to some experts, could be melted down for easier sale on the black market. An investigation is underway, and the thieves are now the most notorious criminals in Europe.
We live in a golden age of high-profile (though not always successful) plunder. This heist comes on the heels of a lesser-known crime in Paris last month, when a woman allegedly stole 13 pounds of gold nuggets from the National Museum of Natural History. She was arrested two weeks later in Barcelona, Spain.
In 2022, seven thieves knocked over a Brinks truck in California, in what was called the largest jewel heist in U.S. history; the loot totaled $100 million. In 2019, five men stole a cache of precious 18th century jewels worth $113 million from Germany’s Green Vault museum.
The Louvre heist was a crime that will negatively affect the lives of otherwise innocent people. Museum officials have admitted to security lapses, including insufficient closed-circuit television coverage outside the Louvre’s perimeter. The blame game is just beginning.

But it’s hard to read about this daring plot and not, in a small way, root for these villains. There are far grislier and more destructive crimes committed every day, big and small. This might sound like a rationalization, but petty crooks routinely mug regular folks while wealthy pedophiles escape justice. The thieves who robbed the Louvre, on the other hand, just ripped off the French government.
The sense of rooting for the robbers plays a part in Hollywood’s and audiences’ enduring love for heist movies. One of the genre’s most influential films is Jules Dassin’s 1955 French noir “Rififi,” about a jewel heist led by a debonair master criminal. The black-and-white classic is anchored by its iconic 30-minute break-in — a silent nail-biter as the crew painstakingly muffles the sound of their drilling.
Heist movies are Robin Hood fantasies where hypercompetent thieves take on powerful institutions.
In the decades since, many of Hollywood’s biggest directors have put fresh spins on the genre, including Spike Lee’s lively bank-heist-turned-standoff thriller “Inside Man” (2006), Edgar Wright’s “Baby Driver” (2017) and Christopher Nolan’s “Inception” (2010), about a heist team that infiltrates dreams. Even “Avengers: Endgame” (2019), the second-highest-grossing movie of all time and the climax of more than a decade of Marvel movies, hinges on a time-travel heist.
Crime doesn’t always pay in these movies: My second-favorite heist film is Michael Mann’s “Heat” (1995), about a seasoned team of seasoned thieves led by a smoldering, goateed Robert De Niro, who are constantly having to look over their shoulders for a Los Angeles police detective, played by Al Pacino. Despite knowing the police are on their tail, the robbers can’t give up the action, and in the end, most of them pay the ultimate price. But we root for these doomed men nonetheless.
Heist movies are Robin Hood fantasies where hypercompetent thieves take on powerful institutions that loom over our moral lives. They cut across cultural and political lines because everyone’s been screwed over by a bank, or an insurance company, or, if you’re a formerly colonized country, a Western empire.

Like their thematic siblings, the prison break flicks — one’s about breaking in, the other’s about breaking out — heist films are tales of the little guy versus the system. The main characters are frequently skilled criminals who adhere to a moral code. They’re committing crimes, but for the most part, they’re “victimless” —banks, casinos and museums are insured and loaded with cash, right?
But the most important part of the fantasy is asking yourself: What if you could get away with it? I am no master criminal. I don’t even like to jaywalk. But I’d make an excellent member of a heist crew. For instance, I have dainty fingers that would be perfect for safe-cracking. I’d certainly enjoy the planning stages: I’m a fan of maps and spreadsheets. But heist movies are simply safe spaces for me to make believe I can wear a tuxedo like George Clooney.
Now that I think about it, I may have to watch “Ocean’s Eleven” again.
John DeVore is a culture writer and author of “Theatre Kids: A True Tale of Off-Off Broadway.”His writing has been published in Esquire, Vanity Fair, Marvel Comics, and many other publications.
The Dictatorship
No plan B: Trump is flailing to find an off-ramp for the Iran war
This is an adapted excerpt from the March 24 episode of “All In with Chris Hayes.”
Donald Trump’s war on Iran is in its fourth week. Gas prices are up $1 a gallon in much of the country. Stocks continue to fall on fears of global supply shortages.
The death toll is growing. Thirteen American service members have lost their livesand more than 1,200 Iranians have been killed, along with upward of 1,000 people in Lebanonmore than 150 in the surrounding Gulf states and 17 Israelis. That’s not accounting for the millions who are displaced and the thousands who have been injured, including hundreds of U.S. troops.
But according to the president who launched the war, it’s all over.
It is becoming increasingly clear that Trump expected a fast and easy win.
“We’ve won this. This war has been won,” he told reporters Tuesday in the Oval Office. “The only one that likes to keep it going is the fake news.”
However, during those same remarks, Trump was all over the place — talking about an epic victory, ongoing peace negotiations and personal gifts.
It was all completely counter to his posture over the weekend, when he threatened to “obliterate” Iranian civilian power plants — essentially teasing a war crime — if Iran did not stop blocking oil tankers in the Strait of Hormuzsomething Iran was not doing before Trump attacked them.
But now, he has supposedly pressed pause on that bombing plan for five days because, he said, the negotiations are going well.
When he first announced that in a social media post Monday, it sent oil prices down 10% and boosted stocks.
However, those markets reversed themselves Tuesday after the Iranians said they have not engaged in any serious high-level negotiations with the Americans, and they claimed Trump was making things up to help oil prices. The Israelis said the same thing. (That’s not to say you should take Iran’s word for it, or Israel’s, but you shouldn’t take the White House’s word, either.)
It is becoming increasingly clear that Trump expected a fast and easy win. He had no plan B, and now he is flailing to find some kind of fallback position.
On Monday, sources from the administration told Politico that they have their eyes on a future U.S.-backed leader of Iran: Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, speaker of the Iranian parliament.
“He’s a hot option,” one unnamed U.S. source — who seems to really wants a deal — told Blue Light News. “He’s one of the highest. … But we got to test them, and we can’t rush into it.”
But on Tuesday, that “hot option” trolled Trump for what he called a “jawboning campaign” to stabilize oil prices. In a social media postGhalibaf wrote: “[L]et’s see if they can turn that into ‘actual fuel’ at the pump — or maybe even print gas molecules!”
Call it the fog of Trumpian war: a million contradictory messages flying around, constantly wildly pinging bits of news that don’t make sense together.
Right now, we have reports that Trump’s negotiators, including his envoy Steve Witkoff and Vice President JD Vance, are traveling to Pakistan for informal talks with an Iranian official.

At the same time, unnamed U.S. officials have told The New York Times that the Saudi crown prince is pushing Trump to continue the war until Iran’s government collapses — something the Saudis publicly deny.
In fact, The Wall Street Journal is reporting that Saudi officials are holding talks in Riyadh with their Arab counterparts to find a diplomatic off-ramp from the war.
On Tuesday evening, U.S. officials said the Pentagon was poised to deploy 3,000 troops of the 82nd Airborne Division to the Middle East. That is in addition to two Marine expeditionary units on their way to the region and the 50,000 U.S. troops already stationed there.
Also on Tuesday, Iranian-backed militias in Iraq are claiming that U.S. strikes there killed 30 of their members.
But, according to Trump, the peace talks are going great, right?
All eyes everywhere have been on the Strait of Hormuz, where Iran responded to the U.S. attack by striking oil tankers and shutting down 20% of the world’s supply of oil and liquefied natural gas. It is now essentially running a toll operation in the strait.
Some countries, such as China, Japan and India, are negotiating deals with Iran to get its oil out. Which is to say, Iran is shipping more oil and making more money than it was under the U.S. sanctions in place before Trump attacked it.
It’s clear the president sees what’s happening, so now he is trying to share control of the strait with Iran. Trump told reporters the strait would be “jointly controlled” by “maybe” him and “the next ayatollah.”
The administration really thought this was going to be another Venezuela. They told themselves that, and they were egged on to believe it by the staunchest advocates of the war, such as Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Sen. Lindsey GrahamR-S.C.
But in Iran, a decapitation strike did not lead to mass uprisings. It did not lead to regime change. It led to the situation in which Iran’s regime is intact, even if militarily degraded, and they now have explicit control of the Strait of Hormuz — a huge pressure point.
It really looks like the U.S. is backed into a corner: It can sue for peace because of the oil tanker situation, but they do not have much leverage, or it can escalate the war. That may be why we’re seeing all these contradictory developments.
In Iran, a decapitation strike did not lead to mass uprisings. It did not lead to regime change. It led to the situation in which Iran’s regime is intact.
Trump issued an ultimatum he had to walk back from because he said there were deep peace negotiations, which then later proved to be completely fabricated.
Now, more U.S. troops are set to be deployed for a possible ground invasion in the Middle East, despite reports that the U.S. has supposedly sent a 15-point plan to Iran through Pakistan to end the war.
It almost looks as if Trump is trying to wave the peace card to keep a lid on oil futures and financial marketsjust long enough to have ground troops in position — and just in time for the markets to close for the weekend on Friday, when Trump’s “pause” on bombing Iranian power plants is set to end.
That could be the plan Trump now settles on, weeks into a deadly war where there was obviously, very clearly, no real plan at all.
Allison Detzel contributed.
Chris Hayes hosts “All In with Chris Hayes” at 8 p.m. ET Tuesday through Friday on MS NOW. He is the editor-at-large at The Nation. A former fellow at Harvard University’s Edmond J. Safra Foundation Center for Ethics, Hayes was a Bernard Schwartz Fellow at the New America Foundation. His latest book is “The Sirens’ Call: How Attention Became the World’s Most Endangered Resource” (Penguin Press).
The Dictatorship
Jury finds Meta and YouTube liable in landmark social media trial, awards $6 million
A California state jury found Meta and YouTube liable in a landmark social media case on Wednesday, awarding $3 million in compensatory damages to a plaintiff who brought the case and putting the Instagram maker’s liability at 70% and the Google company’s at 30%.
The jurors later decided to award a total of $3 million in punitive damages, with Meta to pay $2.1 million and YouTube $900,000. The verdict was reached on the jury’s ninth day of deliberation.
A 2023 complaint accused social media companies of fueling an unprecedented mental health crisis for American children through “addictive and dangerous” products. Plaintiffs accused the companies of deliberately tweaking their products to exploit kids’ undeveloped brains to “create compulsive use of their apps.”
The civil case was brought by several plaintiffs against several companies, but this state court trial, which featured testimonyfrom Meta CEO Mark Zuckerberg, involved a plaintiff described by her initials as “K.G.M.” in court papers against Instagram and YouTube.
In the 2023 complaint, K.G.M. said she was a 17-year-old in California who started using social media at a much younger age, though her mother told her not to and used third-party software to try to prevent the daughter’s social media use. The complaint alleged that the corporate defendants designed their products in ways that let kids evade parental controls and that the companies knew, or should’ve known, that K.G.M. was a minor.
The plaintiff alleged that Instagram’s and other companies’ addictive designs led her to develop “a compulsion to engage with those products nonstop” and to see “harmful and depressive content, urging K.G.M. to commit acts of self-harm, as well as harmful social comparison and body image.”
She alleged that she suffered bullying, depression, anxiety and body dysmorphia through Instagram and that Meta did nothing in response to a report about it. “Meta allowed the predatory user to continue harming minor Plaintiff K.G.M., including through the use of explicit images of a minor child,” the complaint said, adding that the company’s “defective reporting mechanisms and/or deliberate failure to act caused emotional and mental health harms to K.G.M. in addition to and separate from any third-party conduct.”
The companies, which have denied wrongdoingsaid Wednesday that they plan to appeal.
Jillian Frankel contributed from Los Angeles.
Subscribe to theDeadline: Legal Newsletterfor expert analysis on the top legal stories of the week, including updates from the Supreme Court and developments in the Trump administration’s legal cases.
Jordan Rubin is the Deadline: Legal Blog writer. He was a prosecutor for the New York County District Attorney’s Office in Manhattan and is the author of “Bizarro,” a book about the secret war on synthetic drugs. Before he joined MS NOW, he was a legal reporter for Bloomberg Law.
The Dictatorship
Democrat vows to turn ‘Epstein files into Epstein trials’ after release of new depositions
The House Oversight Committee on Tuesday released hours of deposition footage from its interviews with two former close associates of Jeffrey Epsteinattorney Darren Indyke and accountant Richard Kahn. Rep. Melanie Stansbury, D-N.M., a member of the committee, joined “The Weeknight” to discuss the interviews and the efforts to hold any accomplices of the late sex offender accountable.
“What is remarkable is that even in death, his closest associates and co-conspirators are still covering for him,” Stansbury said.
During their depositions, both Indyke and Kahn insisted they had no knowledge of Epstein’s illegal behavior. The New Mexico Democrat cast doubt on those claims, taking particular issue with Indyke’s testimony, during which she said it was possible that Epstein’s former attorney may have “perjured himself.”
“He claimed that he had no knowledge of all of these nefarious activities, and yet he literally has spent decades of his life at the center of this controversy,” she said. “I’m sorry, I’m not buying it.”
Stansbury told MS NOW she believed it was important for the public to understand that both Indyke and Kahn “stand to make tens of millions of dollars off of their execution” of Epstein’s will. She added that “the way the will is structured, there is a survivor fund, and at the end of that, they get to basically keep whatever is left over.”
“We don’t know what was written into whatever contracts, but it’s clear that they have a financial interest,” she said.
Stansbury said the pair’s depositions should be part of a greater effort from lawmakers and law enforcement across the country to pursue accountability for Epstein’s victims, even after his death. She highlighted how her home state, New Mexico, was doing just that.
“That is why we are going to continue to seek justice in this case, and it’s why in New Mexico, not only did we pass a truth commission, but one of the updates that we want to tell people about is that we plan to pursue convictions against individuals who were implicated in these crimes who were not prosecuted by the federal government,” she said. “We want to turn these Epstein files into Epstein trials — and that’s exactly what we plan to do.”
You can watch Stansbury’s full interview in the clip at the top of the page.
Allison Detzel is an editor/producer for MS NOW. She was previously a segment producer for “AYMAN” and “The Mehdi Hasan Show.”
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