The Dictatorship
Trump’s attacks on media echo authoritarians who silence dissent
BUDAPEST, Hungary (AP) — Since taking office in January, President Donald Trump has waged an aggressive campaign against the media unlike any in modern U.S. history, making moves similar to those of authoritarian leaders that he has often praised.
On Wednesday, Trump cheered ABC’s suspension of Jimmy Kimmel’s late-night show after the comedian made remarks about the assassination of conservative activist Charlie Kirk that criticized the president’s MAGA movement: “Congratulations to ABC for finally having the courage to do what had to be done,” Trump wrote on his Truth Social platform.
It was the latest in a string of attacks against news outlets and media figures he believes are overly critical of him. Trump has filed lawsuits against outlets whose coverage he dislikesthreatened to revoke TV broadcast licenses and sought to bend news organizations and social media companies to his will.
The tactics are similar to those used by leaders in other countries who have chipped away at speech freedoms and independent media while consolidating political power, including Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, a close Trump ally whose leadership style is revered by many conservatives in the U.S.
“What we’re seeing is an unprecedented attempt to silence disfavored speech by the government,” said Brendan Nyhan, a political scientist at Dartmouth College. “Donald Trump is trying to dictate what Americans can say.”
Is Trump taking cues from Orbán?
Trump’s approach to governing has drawn comparisons to Orbánwho has been in power since 2010. The Hungarian leader has made hostility toward the press central to his political brand, borrowing Trump’s phrase “fake news” to describe critical outlets. He has not given an interview to an independent journalist in years.
Media watchdog Reporters Without Borders says Orbán has built “a true media empire subject to his party’s orders” through allies’ acquisitions of newspapers and broadcasters. The group says that strategy has given Orbán’s Fidesz party control of about 80% of Hungary’s media market. In 2018, Orbán’s allies donated nearly 500 news outlets they had acquired to a government-controlled conglomerate, a group that included all of Hungary’s local daily newspapers.
Opposition parties complain that they get just five minutes of airtime on public TV during elections, the legal minimum, while state broadcasters reliably amplify government talking points and smear Orbán’s political opponents. Hungary’s media authority, staffed entirely by Orbán’s party nominees, has threatened nonrenewal of broadcast frequencies to keep outlets in line and forced the liberal-leaning station Klubrádió off the air.
“Here, they bought outlets and replaced editorial staff wholesale,” said Hungarian media analyst Gábor Polyák.
The moves against independent media, along with Orbán’s systematic capture of Hungary’s democratic institutions, prompted the European Parliament in 2022 to declare that the country could no longer be considered a democracy.
Polyák said that while the American media landscape is far larger and more diverse than Hungary’s, he’s been struck by the willingness of major U.S. companies to accommodate Trump’s threats.
“There is a very strange kind of self-censorship in America,” he said. “Even with European eyes, it is very frightening to see to what degree individual bravery does not exist. From Zuckerberg to ABC, everyone immediately surrenders.”
Kimmel suspension is part of a pattern by Trump
Kimmel became the second late-night comic with a history of pillorying Trump to lose their show this year. CBS canceled Stephen Colbert’s show just days after he had criticized the network’s settlement of a lawsuit filed by Trump over its editing of a “60 Minutes” interview with former Vice President Kamala Harris, Trump’s opponent last fall.
CBS said the July move was made for financial reasons, but Trump celebrated it nevertheless while appearing to foreshadow this week’s developments: “I absolutely love that Colbert got fired. His talent was even less than his ratings,” he wrote on his social media platform at the time. “I hear Jimmy Kimmel is next.”
People walk by the Jimmy Kimmel Live studio on Hollywood Blvd., Wednesday, Sept. 17, 2025, in Los Angeles. (AP Photo/Chris Pizzello)
People walk by the Jimmy Kimmel Live studio on Hollywood Blvd., Wednesday, Sept. 17, 2025, in Los Angeles. (AP Photo/Chris Pizzello)
ABC’s suspension of Kimmel on Wednesday came after Federal Communications Commission Chairman Brendan Carr made a pointed warning about the comedian on a conservative podcast earlier in the day: “We can do this the easy way or the hard way,” he said.
Carr also launched an investigation into CBS and opened probes into public broadcasting networks after Trump persuaded Congress to defund them.
The Kimmel suspension has highlighted the president’s broader efforts to pressure journalistsmedia companies, and now comedians and commentatorsto align with his views. On Thursday, as he returned from Great Britain, Trump said regulators should consider revoking the licenses of networks that provide what he considers “only bad publicity.”
Trump also has targeted social media giants, claiming Meta dropped its fact-checking program partly because of his threats, which included jailing founder Mark Zuckerberg.
Even powerful media owners have appeared to bend under pressure. Washington Post owner Jeff Bezos, whose companies have significant government contracts, killed an editorial endorsement of Democratic nominee Kamala Harris before the 2024 election and, like Meta, donated $1 million to Trump’s inauguration. Disney-owned ABC News agreed to a $15 million settlement to resolve a Trump lawsuit.
Media crackdowns in other countries
Hungary is not the only country where similar patterns to erode an independent media landscape have been playing out. In neighboring Serbia, populist President Aleksandar Vucic has faced accusations of curtailing media freedoms since coming to power over a decade ago.
Critics have cited a combination of political pressure, public smear campaigns and financial pressure on the media as the means Vucic’s government has used to establish control over mainstream outlets and the public RTS broadcaster.
Journalist safety in Serbia has worsened since the start of student-led protests some 10 months ago that have challenged Vucic’s firm rule. The Media Freedom Rapid Response group — which monitors press freedom in Europe — said in a recent report they were “gravely concerned” that Serbian journalists “have been reporting under immense political pressure, faced with physical violence, censorship, smear campaigns, abusive lawsuits, and daily death threats.”
In Russia, President Vladimir Putin consolidated control over national television early in his rule and later expanded restrictions on civil society, independent journalism and online platforms. Authorities later used a flurry of laws to restrict freedom of speech.
The restrictive label “foreign agent” has been slapped on the few remaining independent media outlets and scores of journalists, and the government has steadily tightened controls on the internet. Putin’s crackdown has only intensified after Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukrainewhen new laws criminalized criticism of the war and forced many journalists into exile.
The rise in India of Prime Minister Narendra Modi has coincided with mounting pressure on comedians and satirists. Police have arrested performers for jokes deemed offensive to Hindu deities or critical of Modi’s party. Comedians such as Kunal Kamra and Vir Das have faced lawsuits, show cancellations and harassment from nationalist groups for skewering the government.
Leaders also have cracked down on the media in multiple Latin American countries. Nicaragua withdrew from the United Nations’ main cultural agency earlier this year to protest a press freedom award it gave to the country’s main opposition newspaper. That publication, La Prensa, has been largely produced by writers in exile since the government raided its Managua offices in 2021.
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Riccardi reported from Denver. Associated Press writer Jovana Gec in Belgrade, Serbia, contributed to this report.
The Dictatorship
Trump’s overlapping troubles are starting to resemble a set of political Russian nesting dolls
With tariffs fueling inflation, inflation driving up prices and rising costs deepening public frustration with the White House, President Donald Trump’s troubles at home and abroad are starting to resemble a set of political Russian nesting dolls. Each overlapping challenge grows larger and swallows the next.
Now, U.S. intervention in Iran is adding another layer to Trump’s stack of challenges — a pile so large it seems increasingly impossible to unpack it all before November.
A slew of new polls underscores how compounded these issues have become. A Fox News poll released Wednesday shows that 47% of respondents disapprove of Trump’s presidency, while a Reuters/Ipsos poll released Tuesday reports his approval at a record low of 36% — down from 40% last week. Meanwhile, the latest AP-NORC poll shows that around half of U.S. adults have little to no trust in the president when it comes to foreign policy decisions, while nearly a third say they have little trust in his approach to nuclear weapons, military deployments and relationships with other nations.

Taken together, the numbers illustrate how the White House is facing a complex war beyond the borders of Iran — as well as the public’s growing skepticism of Trump’s judgment at home and abroad.
As Operation Epic Fury drags into its fifth weekTrump has scrambled to make the case that military intervention in Iran is a net positive for the American public, if only the public can withstand the short-term economic effects. But while foreign intervention has, for some presidents, distracted the public’s attention from political troubles on the home front, Trump’s maneuvers in the Middle East are having the opposite effect.
Past presidents have often benefited from the “rally around the flag” effecta concept in political science in which a leader sees a temporary uptick in support during war. President George H.W. Bush enjoyed a nearly 80% approval rating during the 1991 Persian Gulf War, while nearly three-quarters of Americans supported President George W. Bush’s initial invasion of Iraq in 2003.
But as the American electorate has changed, so has its approach to foreign intervention. Now, public support for war hinges as much on a president’s credibility and domestic management as on threats abroad.
Rather than the abstract concept of far-off battlefields, Americans are enduring the tangible and immediate consequences of Trump’s foreign agenda every time they open their wallets.
Rather than rally around, nearly 6 in 10 Americans say U.S. military action in Iran has gone “too far,” according to the AP-NORC survey. Nearly the same number of voters surveyed by Fox News say they disapprove of the president’s foreign policy agenda, while 64% disapprove of his handling of Iran.
With the conflict estimated to cost a whopping $1 billion a dayit’s also impossible for the administration to shield voters from feeling the costs of war at home. Rather than the abstract concept of far-off battlefields, Americans are enduring the tangible and immediate consequences of Trump’s foreign agenda every time they open their wallets.
Already stressed by rising grocery costs and utility bill spikes, the average American is now pulling up to the pump to find that the national gas average has jumped $1 in just a month, for AAA. Meanwhile, the labor market has taken some significant hits since January, and a partial government shutdown has only created more trouble for federal workers and travelers alike.
America’s cost concerns are only growing. The AP-NORC poll found that 45% of Americans are “extremely” or “very” concerned about affording gas in the next few months, while three-quarters of Republicans and about two-thirds of Democrats say it’s “highly important” to keep oil and gas prices from rising. Reuters/Ipsos found that just 29% of Americans approve of Trump’s leadership on economic issues.

The White House is scrambling to assuage the growing concern, just as it worked to downplay Trump’s global tariff war and rising inflation. But Trump’s bullish approach to negotiations — including his recent insistence in a Cabinet meeting that he “doesn’t care about” reaching a deal with Tehran — is far from reassuring.
Instead, it’s clear that the messaging is falling flat with voters, who were already facing economic uncertainty before Operation Epic Fury ever made headlines. Now, with pain points coming from all sides, the White House is staring down an electorate caught in a feedback loop of frustration, mistrust and a widely unpopular foreign war.
Trump has weathered bad poll numbers before and come out on top. But for now at least, the administration’s global agenda has put its own party in a precarious position as it stares down a challenging midterm cycle.
Make no mistake: While Tehran may dominate today’s headlines, it will be the crisis at American checkout counters and kitchen tables that matters most come November.
Bethany Irvine is a Washington-based political reporter who has written for Blue Light News and The Texas Tribune.
The Dictatorship
A ‘Love Story’ that feels more like an invasion of privacy
The most heartbreaking moment in the finale of “Love Story: John F. Kennedy Jr. & Carolyn Bessette” is arguably also a manufactured one. Bessette’s mother Ann Messina Freeman, played by Constance Zimmer, is having an emotional conversation with Caroline Kennedy following the death of her daughter and famous son-in-law. “She said she didn’t recognize who she had become,” Freeman tells Kennedy, played by Mamie Gummer. “And now that person will be immortalized forever. I only wish she had lived long enough to be remembered for something else.”
Freeman’s lament echoes one that Caroline Kennedy voices earlier in this last episode of the Ryan Murphy-produced FX and Hulu limited series. “The only thing he’ll be remembered for is what he could have become,” she says of her now-late brother, the son of a revered American president who also died suddenly in the prime of his life. In this fictionalized version of history, and perhaps in real life, these women wish for a more nuanced legacy for their loved ones and resent how the media flattens and distorts their existences. That’s a fair sentiment perhaps, but it’s also a disorienting thing to process while watching a series that flattens and distorts the existences of those same loved ones to ensure the main thing they will be remembered for is their tumultuous relationship and the tragic manner in which they died.

This type of hypocrisy has gotten harder to ignore over the past decade as scripted, realistic-seeming stories based on actual celebrities, crimes and scandals have become omnipresent. Murphy has been responsible for a lot of the entries in this genre and actually set the bar for it 10 years ago, with “American Crime Story: The People vs. O.J. Simpson.”
Like “Love Story,” that limited series revisits a high-profile narrative from the 1990s: the murder trial of O.J. Simpson. “The People vs. O.J. Simpson,” which was produced and partly directed by Murphy but developed for television by Scott Alexander and Larry Karaszewski, ticked all the scripted true crime boxes that subsequent shows would strive to hit. It featured strong performances from an exceptional ensemble cast. It won nine Emmy Awards. Most importantly, it revisited a story that most people felt they knew — the prosecution and acquittal of Simpson in the stabbing deaths of his former wife, Nicole Brown Simpson, and her friend Ron Goldman — but did so with an eye toward the racial and gender dynamics that affected the media coverage of the case and public perception of it.
Rather than simply rehashing old news, “The People vs. O.J. Simpson” seemed to want to help us understand this volatile chapter in modern American history from a more nuanced perspective.
Certainly there were concerns about the ghoulishness of revisiting the deaths of Brown Simpson and Goldman, particularly from their respective families. But overall, the show was sensitive and substantive enough to shake accusations of being exploitative for exploitation’s sake.
I watched all of this and wondered what, exactly, I was doing other than rubbernecking at the scene of a past tragedy.
But as these types of shows have proliferated and Murphy has added murder anthology series “Monster”to his roster, it has become harder to argue that these fictionalized versions of the truth serve a more noble purpose. Which brings us back to “Love Story,” and its final hour, “Search and Recovery.” Inevitably, the show puts us in the Piper Saratoga plane with Carolyn, Lauren Bessette and John just before it goes down off the coast of Martha’s Vineyard.
But mercifully, series creator Connor Hines, who wrote the finale, and director Anthony Hemingway, don’t actually depict the crash itself, only the moments just before, when Kennedy starts to lose control of the aircraft. “John, just breathe,” Carolyn reassures her husband in their final — and fictionalized — moments together.
I watched all of this and wondered what, exactly, I was doing other than rubbernecking at the scene of a past tragedy. Witnessing this interpretation of these terrifying scenes does not add anything to our understanding of their relationship. It just allows us to see what (allegedly) happened before their lives ended, which feels like an invasion of privacy.
Honestly, most of “Love Story” feels like an invasion of privacy. That does not mean that it was made completely without care. As is always the case in the Murphy-verse, there are some very strong performances in this series, particularly from Zimmer, Gummer and, especially, Sarah Pidgeon as Carolyn. Largely known to the public as the image of perfect bridal elegance, Bessette becomes a real flesh-and-blood person in Pidgeon’s hands. The actress captures her vibrancy, her quick wit and her allure. This is the most we’ve ever gotten to see of the real Carolyn Bessette, even though this is only a facsimile of her.

But is that enough to justify making nine episodes of a series that picks apart the arguments, pressures and therapy sessions from her complicated relationship with one of the most high-profile, frequently photographed men who ever lived?
In a recent op-ed for The New York TimesDaryl Hannah, an ex-girlfriend of Kennedy’s who is portrayed in an extremely unflattering light in “Love Story,” argued that it is not. “Many people believe what they see on TV and do not distinguish between dramatization and documented fact — and the impact is not abstract,” she wrote. “In a digital era, entertainment often becomes collective memory. Real names are not fictional tools. They belong to real lives.”
That doesn’t mean that Hollywood should never make TV shows or movies based on actual people. The industry has been doing that forever, long before Murphy came along. But I think the creators of this form of entertainment need to ask themselves what they are hoping to achieve, not just as they prepare a pitch to a network, but every single day they are working on the project.
During that moving conversation between Freeman and Caroline Kennedy, the women agree that there is no sense to be made of the deaths of these promising young Americans. As the Kennedy family has learned far too many times, life can be random and cruel for no good reason. That’s the feeling that persists as this “Love Story” ends: that what happened to Carolyn, John and Carolyn’s sister Lauren was terribly sad and there’s nothing that can be done to change it. But there is one thing that Hollywood and the public can actually do: Just let them rest in peace.
Jen Chaney is a freelance TV and film critic whose work has been published in The New York Times, TV Guide and other outlets.
The Dictatorship
The Epstein class thinks it runs America. Today, No Kings protesters send their response.
Thousands of Americans plan to gather on Saturday for No Kings protests across the country. They have a simple message: People are tired of a government that protects the powerful and abandons ordinary Americans.
They are tired of fighting costly and illegal overseas wars while we face an affordability crisis at home. They are horrified by the Trump administration’s cover-up of the Epstein files and the lack of accountability for the rich and powerful who crossed lines. And they are sick of Immigration and Customs Enforcement terrorizing our communities.
The American people are uniting to demand accountability.
As more Americans are sent to fight abroad and the survivors of abuse are silenced at home, people increasingly feel dispensable.
But we are not disposable. We are not dispensable. The American people are uniting to demand accountability.
For too long, Americans have seen our leaders fight harder for the Epstein class than for the working class. They have watched our system shield elites instead of delivering fundamentals such as affordable health care, housing and education.
The fight to release the Epstein files exposed not only a broken justice system, but also a deep economic and moral divide.

Jeffrey Epstein built a network of elite and powerful individuals, some of whom believed they could abuse young girls and women — many from working-class backgrounds — without consequences. Many survivors of Epstein’s abuses have courageously spoken outand over the past year, sparked a moral reckoning in our country. They have exposed a two-tier system of justice that protects the wealthy and powerful and fails those who have been abused.
The administration’s failure to hold accountable those involved in Epstein’s abuses has fueled deep distrust in our government and its ability to deliver for the public good.
Rebuilding faith in our system requires transparency and accountability.
That is why I led the fight with Rep. Thomas Massie, R-Ky., to release the files. The Epstein Files Transparency Act wasn’t about politics. It was about justice for the survivors and accountability for their abusers.

Since our bill was signed into law in November, the Justice Department has released some three million documents. These files expose the brazenness of the Epstein class. They show how extensive Epstein’s network was and that this wasn’t just one individual but a group of powerful people who operated within a culture of elite impunity.
While most of those powerful people aren’t accused of criminal involvement with Epstein, the emails, photos and other materials demonstrate the willingness of this well-connected group to associate with Epstein even after he was convicted of sex crimes involving minors.
While these files and survivors’ stories have shocked our national conscience, the work is far from over. Transparency is only the first step. Now we must deliver accountability for those involved in Epstein’s abuses.
That means, in part, holding the administration accountable for essentially perpetuating a cover-up. The Justice Department has failed to release millions of remaining documents, which is a flagrant violation of our law. Many of the documents that have been released are heavily redacted in some areas — including concealing the names of several powerful individuals — yet in other areas fail to redact the names of survivors.
Survivors and the public deserve answers.
When Attorney General Pam Bondi appears before the House Oversight Committee next month, I will demand an explanation under oath of why the remaining files have not been released and why the administration has not acted to hold those involved accountable.

In other countries, we have started to see steps toward accountability. Peter Mandelson was fired as Britain’s ambassador to the United States and is being investigated over information he may have passed to Epstein while holding other government positions. The former prince known as Andrew Mountbatten-Windsor was arrested last month on suspicion of misconduct in public office, also related to confidential information he may have passed to Epstein. The former prime minister of Norway was charged with aggravated corruption over his Epstein links.
All of these individuals deny wrongdoing. But the arrests and investigations show that action is possible when governments have the courage to take on powerful individuals.
So why hasn’t there been action until now?
The truth is that no one has been willing to take on powerful interests. President Franklin D. Roosevelt warned of the “economic royalists” — wealthy and connected individuals who concentrated power and sought to rig the system against the working class. The emergence of the Epstein class is not so different.
The arrests and investigations show that action is possible when governments have the courage to take on powerful individuals.
For years, the wealthy have influenced our government and political system by pouring money into elections. That is how they secured tax breaks, dragged us into foreign wars and steered policies that benefit them over the working class. This is why I have stood for banning super PACs and getting money out of politics. I don’t take a dime of PAC money.
We need to take our government back for the people. That means rooting out corruption, dismantling ICE and creating a government that is going to provide Medicare for all, universal child care and a living wage.
It also means justice for the survivors of Epstein’s abuses, putting an end to elite impunity and prosecuting those who were involved in Epstein’s crimes.
Ultimately, that is why it is so important that Americans are gathering this weekend. This show of unity should remind our country that the people, not just the wealthy few, hold the power.
Rep. Ro Khanna
Ro Khanna represents California’s 17th congressional district in the House of Representatives.
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