Democrats are gearing up to reject a GOP stopgap funding bill and potentially spark a government shutdown. What happens then, no one seems to know.

Two weeks ahead of the key deadline, party leaders are staking out a rhetorical hard line demanding that their Republican counterparts come to the negotiating table to discuss concessions on health care and other issues.

They released an alternative funding patch Wednesday that extends government funding through the end of October and tacks on a host of policy demands, including an extension of health care subsidies, the repeal of Medicaid cuts in the GOP megabill and more.

Democrats hope the counteroffer will kindle bipartisan talks. But Republicans are instead accusing them of hypocrisy, citing all the times they insisted the GOP had to swallow a “clean” short-term funding bill in past shutdown fights.

Still, under tremendous pressure from their base to show that they are willing to fight President Donald Trump, Democrats are flirting with a politically risky shutdown without a firm exit plan or even an idea of what victory might look like.

“We may not have the luxury of a victory scenario,” said Rep. Jared Huffman (D-Calif.). “I think what we’re trying to do is avoid things getting worse. I don’t think victory is in anyone’s hopes and dreams in this moment.”

Thus far, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer and House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries have focused on the lowest common denominator uniting the various factions inside their ranks: demanding negotiations in return for Democratic votes to avoid a shutdown — which are necessary due to the Senate filibuster.

But their GOP counterparts, Speaker Mike Johnson and Senate Majority Leader John Thune, have been more than happy to turn the tables and paint Democrats as the ones making unreasonable demands.

Already chafing at the lack of GOP outreach, Democrats were further inflamed by Trump, who said on Friday that Republicans shouldn’t “even bother dealing with them” on a funding deal, Senate math notwithstanding.

“We have a lot of diverse views in the caucus, but we’re all professional politicians and an iron law in politics is that if you want someone’s vote, you have to ask what it would take to get it,” said Sen. Brian Schatz of Hawaii, who is in line to be the next Democratic whip. “And they haven’t even asked.”

Unlike in March, when Schumer flinched in a similarstandoff, party leaders are now betting they’re on firmer political ground for a fight. But it’s still not clear just how comfortable Democrats, who have generally tried to portray themselves as Capitol Hill’s “adults in the room,” will feel as a possible Oct. 1 shutdown grows nearer — or after one comes to pass.

Asked Wednesday night if he was willing to shut the government down, Schumer bristled: “Ask the Republicans if they are willing to shut the government down.”

Democrats could lose some of their own members on the GOP bill. Sen. John Fetterman (D-Pa.) has already vowed to support it, and several other Democratic senators have yet to put themselves in the “no” column with the whip effort still underway.

Jeffries privately huddled with swing-district lawmakers Wednesday morning to hear out their concerns. Most of them, while publicly declining to commit to opposing the stopgap funding bill, are staking out conditions for support that the GOP is unlikely to give them this month — or ever.

There are few signs from Republicans that they will be any more amenable to opposition demands if Senate Democrats reject the seven-week GOP funding bill and the government potentially shuts down.

Asked about the idea that Republicans had to give Democrats something in return for their votes, the typically affable Thune snapped Wednesday, arguing that Republicans supported similar funding bills more than a dozen times in recent years.

“What we’re talking about right now is giving the appropriators a chance to actually pass bills. … Is that difficult to understand?” Thune said. “Where are we supposed to do big policy initiatives on a seven-week extension to fund the government?”

Thune indicated this week that Schumer is free to call him or come to his office for a meeting. Democrats believe the South Dakota Republican, as majority leader, has to initiate the negotiations.

Meanwhile, there is hardly a firm consensus on what Democrats would consider a worthy trade for their votes beyond a general emphasis on health care. Most Democrats agree they need to push for an extension of health insurance subsidies that are set to expire next year as a baseline demand. Others want to push for the unlikely reversal of the Medicaid cuts from the GOP’s “big, beautiful” bill. Still others want firm protections against future Trump administration attempts to withhold congressionally approved spending.

“We expect them to come and negotiate and to live up to what they told their voters back in ’24, not even a year ago, what they were going to do, which was lower costs. And health care is a huge part of that,” House Minority Whip Katherine Clark told reporters Wednesday.

Many of those demands were included in Democrats’ alternative stopgap released Wednesday. But GOP leaders insist there is no way to cut a deal in the time remaining — even on extending the expiring health subsidies, which has some Republican support. Schumer and Jeffries have been cagey about possibly swallowing a short-term funding punt now in exchange for potential negotiations later.

Asked Wednesday evening if getting a commitment to work on issues like the health care subsidies would be enough to get Democrats on board with a stopgap, Schumer did not definitively reject the idea.

“We have two weeks,” he said. “They should sit down and talk to us and we maybe can get to a good proposal, let’s see. But when they don’t talk to us, there’s no hope of getting to a good proposal.”

And pressed Wednesday about whether their calls for “bipartisan negotiation” meant that any talks had to be concluded by Sept. 30 or if ongoing talks would be enough, several Democratic senators declined to answer directly.

“That’s a very smart question. I’m not sure I know the answer,” said Schatz, adding that Thune’s “come by anytime” rhetoric is not the way things should work.

More generally, a sense of gung-ho enthusiasm about a shutdown fight was hard to detect inside the Democratic ranks.

Sen. Tim Kaine (D-Va.), who represents hundreds of thousands of federal workers who would be furloughed in a shutdown, suggested it was a little too early to go to the mattresses.

“What is today — the 17th of September?” he said. “Let’s have a debate about the alternative.”

Sen. Dick Durbin of Illinois, the No. 2 Democratic leader who joined Schumer to advance the GOP funding bill in March, indicated Wednesday that he expects to vote against Republicans’ proposal this time.

But asked if he was comfortable going into a shutdown, Durbin rejected the premise.

“There’s another option available,” he said. “And that’s bipartisan negotiation.”

Congressional Democrats released bill text Wednesday night for their own stopgap spending proposal as they dig in against a House Republican-backed measure that would fund the government until late November.

The new Democratic proposal links funding the government through Oct. 31 to two of the party’s other priorities: health care assistance and placing limits on President Donald Trump’s ability to unilaterally roll back funds previously approved by Congress.

The Democratic stopgap bill has virtually no chance of passing the Senate — much less getting to Trump’s desk before the end-of-the-month deadline to avert a shutdown. But it allows Democrats to rally behind a plan that will win a broad swath of support among their members in the House and Senate.

“We invite Republican leadership to finally join Democratic leadership at the negotiating table, which they have refused for weeks to do, to prevent a shutdown and begin bipartisan negotiations to keep the government funded,” Congress’ top Democratic appropriators, Connecticut Rep. Rosa DeLauro and Washington Sen. Patty Murray, said in a joint statement.

The Democrats’ bill would extend boosted Affordable Care Act insurance subsidies that will otherwise expire on Dec. 31. It also would reverse cuts to Medicaid and other health programs that Republicans enacted as part of their party-line megabill this summer.

Schumer hasn’t explicitly demanded that an extension of the expiring health care subsidies be attached to the stopgap bill, but Democrats also believe Congress can’t wait until the end of the year because Americans will need to make decisions about health insurance before that time.

The Democratic alternative comes after House Republicans unveiled their own funding proposal to punt the shutdown deadline to Nov. 21, which they want voted on their chamber floor by Friday. That offer also would include $30 million for lawmaker security and another $58 million in security assistance requested by the White House for the Supreme Court and executive branch.

But Democrats have bristled over the GOP proposal because Republican leaders are, so far, not negotiating with them. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer and House Democratic Leader Hakeem Jeffries sent two letters to Majority Leader John Thune and Speaker MIke Johnson requesting a meeting but said they had been ignored.

“Democrats do not want a government shutdown. We’ve asked Republican leadership multiple times to meet with us to start negotiating,” Schumer told reporters Tuesday after a closed-door caucus lunch where Democrats discussed offering an alternative proposal.

Thune opened the door Tuesdayto meeting with Schumer. But Democrats largely brushed off his comments, accusing Republicans of bending to Trump after the president said in a Fox News interview late last week that he didn’t need Democratic support. The Senate will need 60 votes to advance the spending deal, which will necessitate help from Democrats.

Despite both Senate leaders now claiming they are willing to meet, as of early Wednesday evening nothing was on the books yet.

Katherine Tully-McManus contributed to this report.

More than three dozen lawmakers are already planning to leave Congress next year. But there’s another impending legislative branch retirement that could have major implications in Washington.

Comptroller General Gene Dodaro, who heads the Government Accountability Office, hits the end of his 15-year term Dec. 22 and will be forced to vacate the post that occupies an increasingly crucial — and politically charged — oversight role.

The comptroller general is uniquely empowered to call out the president for breaking the law by withholding federal cash, and Dodaro has done so repeatedly over the past eight months — putting himself at the center of a largely partisan fight over President Donald Trump’s funding moves that has exacerbated tensions between the White House and Capitol Hill.

Now Trump gets to nominate Dodaro’s replacement, and key lawmakers are only just starting to take stock of a paradox: A president who continually tests the bounds of Congress’ spending powers gets to pick the legislative branch’s chief watchdog.

“It sets up a very bad situation,” Sen. Brian Schatz of Hawaii, the next Senate Democratic whip and a senior appropriator, said in an interview. “Among the things to be alarmed about, this is a new one.”

The stakes are high: Whoever ends up running GAO once Dodaro’s term ends will be able to bolster, or undermine, Congress’ defenses against Trump in the separation-of-powers battle the president is stoking by terminating, freezing and reallocating hundreds of billions of dollars Congress previously approved.

“When one party controls the Senate, the House and the White House, there’s a tendency to rally around the president and to do what the president wants,” said David Walker, Dodaro’s predecessor and the only living former GAO director. “But somebody’s got to be able to be the independent referee, and to try to do what they think is in the interest of the institution, the Congress and the country. And that’s what the comptroller general is.”

All of this is taking place as Trump administration officials and some congressional Republicans have been trying to downsize and discredit the watchdog. That has included publicly questioning the GAO’s authority and accusing the agency of siding with Democrats in its multiple determinations that the White House unlawfully flouted Congress’ “power of the purse.”

White House budget director Russ Vought said this month that GAO is “a quasi-legislative independent entity … something that shouldn’t exist.”

There have been other slights, too. In the Senate, the GAO told Republicans they could not skirt the filibuster in voting to override California’s pollution standards; Republicans did so anyway. In the House, GOP lawmakers endorsed cutting the agency’s roughly $800 million budget in half for the upcoming fiscal year. And Elon Musk, prior to leaving the Trump administration, attempted to send in a Department of Government Efficiency team to assess the GAO for mass staff reductions.

Meanwhile, the legislative branch writ large has become more broadly vulnerable to the White House’s whims, seen most starkly in Trump’s abrupt firing of the librarian of Congress and the registrar of copyrights.

It’s not yet clear what the Dodaro succession plan will look like; a White House spokesperson did not respond to a request for comment.

A seven-member panel of lawmakers is supposed to recommend at least three replacement candidates for Trump to consider. By law, that group is composed of the top four leaders in each chamber, the chairs and ranking members of the key House and Senate oversight committees and the Senate president pro tempore.

However, most congressional leaders have yet to start hunting for qualified contenders, and furthermore seem largely unaware they have any role to play in filling the slot.

“I don’t even know the process,” Senate Majority Leader John Thune said in a brief interview. “It’s been a while. This hasn’t happened on my watch.”

Two of the would-be commission members had kind words for Dodaro, including Sen. Rand Paul, chair of the Senate Homeland and Governmental Affairs Committee.

“I’ve always appreciated him, and I think he’s a straight shooter,” the Kentucky Republican said in an interview.

Sen. Gary Peters (D-Mich.), the panel’s ranking member, said he “would want somebody like Gene, who has been a really solid member.”

On the House side, Oversight Chair James Comer (R-Ky.) said in an interview he’s looking for the next GAO director to be “an aggressive person that looks for waste, fraud and abuse.”

Comer added, “We want someone that communicates regularly with Congress, so we can kind of have an idea of what they’re doing.”

But Trump could instead ask Republican senators to confirm a new watchdog of his own choosing — or forgo making a nomination altogether.

It would leave a leadership vacuum at the top of the agency that not only monitors whether Congress’ spending directives are followed but is also empowered to examine the effectiveness of federal agencies on behalf of lawmakers.

Further raising the stakes in confirming a new director, lawsuits are pending around the country challenging Trump’s withholding of congressionally approved funding, and a federal appeals court ruled this summer that only the GAO director can sue the administration for violating the decades-old impoundment law — not the groups that were set to receive the funding.

Dodaro has so far chosen not to sue the Trump administration for withholding funding. But when he steps down, he’ll be able to pick an acting GAO director who also would have the power to file a lawsuit if they so choose.

Still, said Molly Reynolds, head of governance studies at the Brookings Institution, “if you get a comptroller general in place who is Trump-friendly, that is going to foreclose that option” of GAO suing the administration.

An acting director also wouldn’t be “in a position to make major transformational changes,” warned Walker, the former GAO director.

When Walker resigned in 2008, he appointed Dodaro acting director, a title that stuck for more than two years because Congress and the president weren’t quick to work through the nomination process. Before that, it also took two years to formally install Walker in the post in 1998.

Walker is now urging congressional leaders to recommend candidates who are willing to challenge executive branch officials regardless of who is president, as he did during his own tenure. A political independent who “leans Republican” and was confirmed by a GOP-led Senate, Walker sued the Republican vice president, Dick Cheney, for failure to provide GAO access to records.

He is also agitating for lawmakers to quickly start the search for potential replacements: “There’s no reason that they shouldn’t be planning now so that they can end up trying to make a timely decision.”