Congress

Eleanor Holmes Norton keeps a low profile as Trump takes aim at DC

Published

11 months ago

August 13, 2025

Washington’s locally elected government is under attack from President Donald Trump and congressional Republicans. But the capital city’s self-proclaimed “warrior on Blue Light News” is nowhere to be seen on the front lines.

Eleanor Holmes Norton, the District of Columbia’s nonvoting House delegate, issued a written statement Monday after Trump seized control of the city’s police force and moved to send in National Guard troops, calling it “counterproductive,” a “historic assault on D.C. home rule” and “more evidence of the urgent need to pass my D.C. statehood bill.”

But Norton — who has represented the city in the House since 1991 — has not been seen in public or otherwise interacted with the media since, even as other elected Democrats stepped forward to defend D.C.’s autonomy against Trump’s aggressive new actions.

Washington Mayor Muriel Bowser held an hourlong news conference Monday afternoon where she was flanked by city public safety officials, but not Norton. Her name was also missing from a joint statement released by members of Congress representing D.C.’s suburbs that slammed the police takeover as a “soft launch of authoritarianism.” Several of those lawmakers have since given interviews to Blue Light News and other outlets.

House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries said Tuesday afternoon he had yet to speak to Norton about a response to Trump’s moves, which were announced Monday morning. The New York Democrat said he hoped to have that conversation later in the day.

Norton did not accept an interview request made through a spokesperson, who declined to identify any other interviews or public appearances she has made since Trump escalated his threats against the city late last week.

The spokesperson, Sharon Eliza Nichols, said in a statement that Norton has been “working diligently with Mayor Bowser, city officials and her colleagues discussing how to support the District’s response and prevent further federal incursions against D.C.’s right to handle its own affairs.”

“Congresswoman Norton has proven her dedication to the people of D.C.,” the statement continued. “She understands the unprecedented circumstances the District is in, and her top priority is to ensure that home rule and D.C. residents are protected.”

Norton’s back-seat response to the most serious federal threat to the city’s government in 30 years is out of step with her one-time reputation as a fierce defender of local prerogatives in the face of meddling by federal authorities. Her campaign website still promotes the “warrior” moniker she has used for decades to reflect her often fiery battles with Republicans.

But she is facing mounting questions about her plans to seek a 19th term next year as fellow Democrats privately voice concerns about her fading presence in the House. She has twice told reporters she intends to run again in 2026, but in both instances her staff subsequently said she is undecided.

A campaign spokesperson did not respond to a request for an update on her reelection plans.

A person granted anonymity to describe Norton’s thinking said her low-key approach to the joint statement was in keeping with the more conciliatory approach Bowser and other city officials have taken with Trump in his second term. Norton, the person said, does not want to provoke Trump into escalating his attacks on the D.C. government.

Bowser, however, has appeared on camera multiple times since Trump’s announcement to take questions and defend the city’s public safety efforts, as have some D.C. Council members.

The person said Norton wasn’t invited or notified by the mayor’s office about Bowser’s news conference. Another person granted anonymity to comment on the sensitive situation said it was not standard practice to invite federal officials such as Norton to mayoral news conferences. The mayor’s office declined to comment.

Norton was invited to join the joint statement from the Washington-area House delegation but ultimately did not sign on for strategic reasons, the person said.

Behind the scenes, Norton has been involved in marshalling a response to Trump’s actions beyond her Monday statement. Nichols said she has been “actively reaching out to civic associations and other groups of D.C. residents” and helped organize a Monday evening conference call with Bowser and members of the Congressional Black Caucus.

Norton helped open the conversation, according to four people granted anonymity to discuss the private call, where the lawmakers discussed recent steps taken by the city to address crime.

The CBC occupies a special place in the fight for D.C. voting rights and political autonomy. The group played a key role in securing passage of the Home Rule Act in 1973 creating the city’s locally elected government — one of the caucus’s first major legislative victories following its founding in 1969.

CBC Chair Yvette Clarke (D-N.Y.) said in a Tuesday statement that the group will “continue fighting to protect D.C.’s right to self-governance and we urge all Americans to recognize this for what it is: a test run for broader authoritarian overreach.”

“The stakes are high not just for Washington, D.C., but for the future of democracy in every corner of this country,” Clarke continued.

Most elected Democrats are loath to publicly criticize Norton given her long record of fighting for the city — including during the mid-1990s, when Congress imposed a financial control board to manage most city affairs. Norton was instrumental in pushing through legislation that recalibrated the city’s relationship with Congress and is widely seen as setting the stage for its economic rebirth and population growth over the following two decades.

Many also believe that Trump would have gone after the District regardless of what its elected officials said or did in the lead-up to his announcements Monday. But others contend that, without an actual vote in Congress, the D.C. delegate’s foremost responsibility is to rally support for the city and make the case for its autonomy to the American public.

Kinney Zalesne, a former DNC official who is running against Norton, said in a Tuesday interview that “there’s an opportunity here for the D.C. delegate to be a loud and consistent and powerful and unrelenting voice for D.C. to Congress, to the administration and to the rest of the nation.”

“One or two statements” did not meet that standard, she said: “We need to tell the truth about this federal overreach — that it’s unnecessary, inappropriate and potentially illegal.”

Norton’s Democratic colleagues on Capitol Hill, meanwhile, voiced support — even as some said they had not spoken to her amid this moment of crisis.

“I’m going to continue to support her and D.C., because many of my constituents work in D.C.,” said Rep. Suhas Subramanyam, who represents a district in the Virginia suburbs. “I know people have brought up the issue of her ability to serve. … I haven’t had a problem serving with her.”

Jeffries, speaking to reporters Tuesday in Illinois, said “I have not had a conversation with Delegate Norton as of yet, but have been in communication with Mayor Bowser [and] indicated that we are going to strongly support her efforts to defend the sovereignty and integrity of the District of Columbia.”

“I look forward to connecting with her at some point later on today,” he added later.

Shia Kapos contributed to this report from Springfield, Illinois.

Congress

Key Democrats urge House to reject kids’ safety proposal

Published

10 minutes ago

June 26, 2026

Blue Light Newsroom

The Commerce Committee’s top Democrat Maria Cantwell (Wash.) and Sen. Richard Blumenthal (D-Conn.) warned House lawmakers against advancing their chamber’s version of the Kids Online Safety Act, arguing it would face intense lobbying from tech companies in the Senate and risk unraveling years of bipartisan work.

“If it is passed by the House it will come to the Senate,” Blumenthal, the bill’s Senate cosponsor, told reporters at a Friday press briefing. The Connecticut Democrat said he is concerned senators will be influenced by the tech industry’s “armies of lawyers and lobbyists” who may “confuse and exploit” misunderstandings about a House bill with the same name as a Senate version but excludes key provisions, such as the “duty of care.” (This concept requires online companies to design social media platforms with an eye for children’s safety.)

“We’re not going to let bad legislation with a good title just get across and think somebody’s done something,” Cantwell said.

The House version of KOSA — which is included in the KIDS Act, a revised bipartisan package that the Energy and Commerce Committee advanced along party lines in March — is scheduled to be considered on the House floor next week under suspension of the rules.

“We need to stop this bill in the House, and we need to prevent the White House from forming an alliance with Big Tech on this issue,” said Blumenthal, who characterized the version of KOSA that House leadership is pushing as a “sham.”

Both Democratic lawmakers also expressed concern that Senate Commerce Committee Chair Ted Cruz (R-Texas) could adopt the House version of KOSA in a kids’ safety package he has yet to publicly release but has pledged to markup by August recess. Cruz said “negotiations are ongoing” earlier this week when asked by Blue Light News whether he would be open to incorporating such changes put forward in the House.

Cruz’s package is expected to include KOSA as well legislation barring companies from using minors’ personal data for targeted advertising, banning kids under age 13 from social media, and providing greater oversight for how children interact with AI chatbots.

Although Blumenthal remains hopeful that Cruz will “stay true to his first vote in favor of KOSA,” which overwhelmingly passed in the Senate last Congress, the Connecticut Democrat said Friday he’s worried Cruz and others may be tempted to “take the bait” and abandon the bill’s basic principles.

Congress

Moderates beware: Mamdani coalition portends a dramatically different Democratic Party in NYC

Published

4 hours ago

June 26, 2026

Blue Light Newsroom

NEW YORK — A coalition powered by Mayor Zohran Mamdani expanded the left’s reach Tuesday, winning younger voters across racial and ethnic lines and once again upending conventional wisdom about elections in New York City.

A series of hotly contested congressional and state elections pit a slate of Mamdani-backed democratic socialists and progressives against establishment candidates who, in several cases, differed little on policy aside from U.S.-Israel relations.

The results were staggering.

Midterm election cycles in deep-blue New York City tend to be sleepy affairs. Both this year and in 2022, just over 500,000 people cast ballots, less than 20 percent of eligible voters. But turnout within a congressional district spanning Upper Manhattan and the Bronx increased by roughly 50 percent between 2022 and Tuesday, with more than 66,000 voters heading to the polls.

In another seat covering parts of Brooklyn and Queens, turnout more than doubled from 2022, though state and federal elections were held on different days that year and the seat was not competitive, which would have reduced the number of voters going to the polls.

Congressional candidates backed by the Democratic Socialists of America were able to replicate the mayor’s success by winning younger Latino voters in Brooklyn and a majority of Black voters in Harlem. Combined with the DSA’s base in relatively wealthy neighborhoods, the result charted the far left’s broadening appeal and a potential reorientation of the electorate that will influence races for years to come.

“This was a big wave for DSA and they did a good job capitalizing on it,” said Evan Roth Smith, a pollster with Slingshot Strategies. “The question now is: Was this a wave cycle that will abate, or is it the start of the takeover?”

Much of Mamdani’s base is concentrated in the so-called “commie-corridor,” a series of neighborhoods along the Brooklyn-Queens waterfront filled with young, educated and affluent voters who’ve propelled several DSA candidates into office. They went gaga over Mamdani’s candidacy and, as Tuesday’s results show, will turn out for candidates he supports.

The area was crucial to Assemblymember Claire Valdez’s crushing 56-38 defeat of Brooklyn Borough President Antonio Reynoso.

“The factor that felt most significant to me were all of these New Yorkers who got activated and politicized in the mayor’s race last year who were looking for the next fight,” said Andrew Epstein, a political adviser to Mamdani who worked on Valdez’ campaign. “Those people didn’t go away. And they want to keep going.”

Valdez also won several heavily Latino areas that were expected to break for her opponent.

Reynoso was born in Brooklyn to Dominican parents and just a few years ago was a City Council member representing Bushwick, a long-gentrifying Brooklyn neighborhood that’s home to Latino families and young hipsters. Valdez was born in Texas, moved to New York City in 2015 and served in the state Assembly for just one term before launching her Mamdani-backed bid for retiring Rep. Nydia Velázquez’s seat.

She ended up winning areas of Bushwick by even greater margins than the total results — in some election districts winning upwards of 80 percent of the vote.

“You don’t win the district by 35 points if you don’t have broad advantages across age and demographic groups,” said Michael Lange, an election analyst and Mamdani supporter who has tracked several contested races with extreme granularity. “Is she blowing him out of the water with Hispanic voters under 50? I see tons of evidence that the answer is yes.”

The age advantage was the common thread across several other races.

In Upper Manhattan and the Bronx, for example, younger Black voters in Harlem were key to Darializa Avila Chevalier’s win over Rep. Adriano Espaillat, the chair of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus who had built a small political empire in the district.

While gentrifying, the neighborhood remains a seat of Black political power and is home to younger households who tend to rent. That particular demographic is a strong indicator of why Mamdani won the area in 2025, even as he lost the Black vote overall to former Gov. Andrew Cuomo, whose support was concentrated among older Black homeowners in Brooklyn and Queens.

While Espaillat never healed a rift with the Black community in upper Manhattan opened during his election in 2016, which contributed to his weak performance, Avila Chevalier demonstrated Tuesday that a significant share of voters there were not just supportive of Mamdani the person, but of the broader political movement he’s now leading.

Overall, she edged out Espaillat with Black voters 48-46, according to an analysis from The New York Times, which charted demographic breakdowns for several contested races.

Three winning congressional candidates endorsed by Mamdani — including former city Comptroller Brad Lander in Brooklyn, who unseated incumbent Dan Goldman — share several similarities. They won younger, college-educated and wealthier voters by huge margins, in several cases by 30 points or more, and lost lower-income voters to incumbents or candidates affiliated with incumbents — a sign that the movement seeking to boost struggling New Yorkers has not won them over.

While the DSA was able to win three state races without the support of Mamdani — a testament to the organizing prowess of the left that was essential to reactivating the mayor’s coalition — there were limits to the city’s leftward shift.

Rep. Grace Meng won her reelection race, though she only vanquished challenger Chuck Park by 14 points, an uncomfortable margin for an incumbent of her stature. Park, who ran to Meng’s left, was boosted by a huge turnout in Woodside, Queens, a multiethnic neighborhood that went heavily for Mamdani in last year’s mayoral race.

Elsewhere in the Bronx, however, incumbents remained strong. Rep. Ritchie Torres handily won reelection with 72 percent of the vote, though it was a low-turnout affair more consistent with an uncompetitive midterm. Nevertheless, House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries touted the results — even as he watched a series of his endorsed candidates fall to the DSA in Brooklyn, his home borough, in a preview of the intraparty battles to come.

“In some higher-income districts, there was an outsized focus on the Middle East. In other districts, for instance, in the South Bronx, Ritchie Torres ran against somebody who was heavily critical of his position on Israel, and he won by fifty points,” Jeffries told MS NOW on Wednesday.

Congress

Divisive Israel vote to be discussed on Sunday House Democrats call

Published

5 hours ago

June 26, 2026

Blue Light Newsroom

An anticipated vote on cutting off U.S. military aid to Israel is among the subjects House Democrats are slated to discuss on an unusual teleconference Sunday evening.

Six people granted anonymity to describe private caucus plans confirmed the member call, which has not been publicly announced. Two of them said it would involve an amendment that would block aid to Israel and other appropriations matters.

Democrats are likely to be sharply divided on an amendment drafted by Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) to a fiscal 2027 spending bill funding the State Department and foreign aid programs. Massie is proposing to end Israel aid and cut the overall foreign military aide program by $3.3 billion.

House Republicans have not yet announced a vote on that bill, but two other people granted anonymity to describe GOP planning said it is likely to be added to the floor schedule next week. The House Rules Committee voted last week to set up debate on Massie’s amendment.

Senior Democrats want to talk through member concerns and strategy on the Sunday call, according to one of the six people.

The call comes just days after three outspoken critics of U.S. aid to Israel swept hotly contested House primaries in New York City, ousting two incumbents.

Meredith Lee Hill and Riley Rogerson contributed to this report.